The comparative literature has devoted considerable attention to why individuals join political parties. This is especially important in the context of the declining party membership and activism that political parties face in contemporary politics. While the question of why members join parties has been well-documented, considerably less work has considered incentives to join other party positions. In the Canadian case, for example, we know very little about the incentives to join an electoral district association (EDA). This is surprising given the consequential role—both formal and informal—that local party associations and their presidents have been known to play in intra-party politics (influencing candidate nomination, membership recruitment and so forth). This study applies Clark and Wilson's (1961) framework of material, solidary and purposive incentives to local party association membership and asks why individuals join their local party executive and whether this motivation shapes the subsequent character of the EDA.

Even though the Parti Conservateur du Québec (PCQ) did not manage to elect any members to the Assemblée nationale in Quebec's 2022 general election, this political party nonetheless received nearly 13 per cent of the popular vote. The party mainly campaigned on issues related to the economic right, but also discontent with the Legault government's COVID-19 health measures. We assess the extent to which these different drivers of support explain vote choice in favour of the PCQ using individual-level survey data from the 2022 Quebec Election Study. We find that the PCQ did succeed in gathering support on the basis of these issues, but that it was also able to attract voters with a lesser appetite for climate change mitigation as well as a populist and cynical outlook on politics. The party also appears to be especially popular among younger, male and less educated voters living outside the Greater Montreal region.

Cet article étudie le rôle des fonctionnaires parlementaires de l'Assemblée nationale du Québec et la nature des relations qu'ils entretiennent avec les acteurs politiques. En prenant appui sur la séparation classique entre les sphères politiques et administratives, cette étude illustre l'ambiguïté inhérente à cette relation au plus haut niveau de l'État. Les hypothèses examinées portent sur la perception de la hiérarchie, la distinction des rôles entre fonctionnaires parlementaires, fonctionnaires de l'exécutif et le personnel politique, ainsi que les qualités attendues des fonctionnaires parlementaires. Sur la base de données empiriques originales, les résultats mettent en évidence des perceptions communes entre élus et fonctionnaires parlementaires, tout en faisant ressortir certaines nuances. Il conclut que la séparation entre les domaines politique et administratif observée dans le cas étudié favorise le bon fonctionnement du parlement et protège l'institution des querelles partisanes, mettant en évidence le rôle essentiel des fonctionnaires parlementaires pour assurer la stabilité de la branche législative de l'État.

Aaron Mills (2017) has argued persuasively that to understand treaty relationships as contracts is to betray the spirit of those relationships. In this, he joins numerous Indigenous scholars who express wariness of contractualist understandings of treaty. This article inquires into the distinction between contractualist and relational understandings of treaty in order to think about the phenomenon of collective, transhistorical debt. Drawing out the distinction between relational and contractarian modes of thinking about long-term collective obligations, the article examines whether ongoing historical debts to Indigenous nations can be made sense of on a Kantian, contractarian logic. It concludes that the widespread colonial incomprehension of treaty as understood by many Indigenous nations was and remains tied to contractarian confusions. While contractarian thought can serve as a heuristic for articulating the injustices of colonial dispossession, it cannot capture the type of long-term collective responsibilities that treaties are supposed to represent.

This article asks why states choose to explicitly label themselves as feminist and critically examines the case of Canada. Drawing on constructivist insights, I suggest that identity insecurity is a key contextual factor driving states’ decision to adopt a feminist branding. Through a thematic analysis of 1,551 statements from the Canadian House of Commons and additional documents published by the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development from 2006 to 2017, I find that Canada’s choice to adopt a feminist brand occurred within a broader context of identity insecurity, with gender equality emerging as a strategic area to enhance the country’s role through strengthened leadership in this sector. This article advances the study of feminist foreign policies by highlighting the strategic motivations behind the adoption of the feminist label, offering insights into its diffusion despite differing levels of commitment to gender equality.

This research note presents the results of audit studies that were conducted with the constituency offices of provincial and federal elected representatives across Canada. We investigate whether individuals from ethnic minority groups, the LGBTQ+ community and French or English speakers are discriminated against when contacting their constituency office for administrative services. Survey experiments administered to both candidates of the 2021 Canadian election and a representative sample of Canadian citizens complement these studies. Our results indicate the absence of discrimination towards constituents from an ethnic minority or who identify with the LGBTQ+ community. We found, however, that emails sent in French were less likely to be answered by Members of Parliament (MPs) than those sent in English. Constituency offices of anglophone MPs and those representing ridings with a small proportion of francophones were significantly less likely to respond to French emails. A similar pattern, albeit more moderate, is observed among constituency offices of francophone MPs in response to English emails. The survey experiments show similar discrimination from citizens but less so from candidates.

In this research note, we propose a new typology of geographic places for use in advancing Canadian politics research on the political effects of place. We use hierarchical cluster analysis (HCA) to inductively derive place types from Aggregate Dissemination Areas (ADAs), a fine-grained unit of geography covering all of Canada, newly available from Statistics Canada. Using this approach, we uncover seven distinct place types, adding nuance to earlier more aggregated approaches focused on urban-rural (or urban-suburban-rural) distinctions. We then demonstrate our typology's utility by showing how it provides new insight into the relationship between place and politics, using the example of the 2021 Canadian federal election. We conclude with a discussion of how our approach may be used to further the study of Canadian political geography, and we make available all files necessary for researchers to merge our place types with survey data for this purpose.

This article investigates the incumbency effects in Canadian federal elections, examining how the 1972 amendments to the Canadian Election Act reshaped electoral dynamics. Using a Regression Discontinuity Design, I analyze the impact of incumbency on winning probabilities and vote shares from 1867 to 2021, with a focus on the periods before and after 1972. The findings show that incumbents have a 10-percentage-point higher probability of winning compared to non-incumbents. While incumbents, particularly from the Liberal and Conservative parties, enjoy significant advantages before 1972, this effect weakens afterwards, indicating a shift toward greater party influence in electoral outcomes.

The Women's Legal Education and Action Fund (LEAF) is a civil society organization that was created in 1985 to advance women's substantive equality. Political science scholarship in the early 2000s focused significant attention on LEAF—unanimously characterizing the organization as among the most successful groups involved in legal mobilization in the post-Charter era. However, we know very little about the organization's advocacy outside of the courts. To address this limitation, we provide an analysis of all the advocacy-related activities undertaken by LEAF between 1985 and 2022. The findings illustrate that beginning approximately in 2006, LEAF diversified its “collective action repertoire” to undertake more political mobilization, while also dedicating greater attention to issue areas such as Indigenous rights. Our study challenges the judicial-centric approach adopted in previous studies of LEAF and underscores the importance of studying advocacy through a longitudinal lens and with approaches that account for the dynamism of civil society.

This study uses panel data to examine the relationships among citizen attitudes related to Quebec independence. It has long been established that support for sovereignty is correlated to expectations about the economic and linguistic consequences of independence. Proponents of Quebec sovereignty tend to believe it will enhance the economy and preserve the French language, while opponents anticipate adverse effects on both fronts. We investigate whether economic and linguistic expectations drive preferences about independence, or whether preferences shape expectations. The analyses rely on Canadian Election Study panel surveys from 2004 to 2011 and employ cross-lagged models. Findings show that economic and linguistic expectations do affect support for sovereignty to some degree. However, the influence of sovereignty support on expectations is much more pronounced.

Examining the rich history of subnational electoral reforms in Canada, we identify three distinct waves of reform, as well as three paradoxical trends pertaining to both the nature of the proposed alternative system and the process by which reform was attempted. First, while reduced constraints and lower stakes at the municipal level should encourage more frequent electoral experimentation, changes to provincial legislation have left many local governments without the authority to alter their own electoral rules. Second, despite the fact that public engagement has become a key aspect of modern reform efforts, governments have compensated by introducing new obstacles. Third, governments often employ different processes depending on the nature of the proposed change, subjecting reforms aiming to (re)introduce plurality to fewer hurdles.

Obtaining losers’ consent after an election is often taken for granted in liberal democracies. However, it can pose a real challenge for any type of democratic decision-making in which participants hold conflicting views about the issues of the day. In this research note, we examine losers’ reactions to the votes taken in a citizen deliberative assembly. In such an assembly, much effort is devoted to informing the participants about the merits and limits of various options and ensuring that they form their own reasoned opinions about the issue. Based on this information, people are bound to reach different conclusions, and any vote on a specific option therefore generates winners and losers. While there is a large literature exploring the winner-loser gap in elections, we know little about how participants in a deliberative assembly react when they realize that the assembly chooses a different position than theirs. We leverage data from a citizen assembly held in Canada. We find a high degree of satisfaction with the conduct of the assembly, among both winners and losers.