This book, a project of Malaysia Study Programme of ISEAS, covers the whole of Malaysia since its formation in 1963, using statistics collected in the four pan-Malaysia Population Censuses held in 1970, 1980, 1991, and 2000, and data from other sources up to 2005 wherever possible. The book is by far the most up-to-date and comprehensive study of the multiracial population of the country, with painstaking effort and skill of the author in interpreting the vast array of information at his disposal. The strength of the book lies in the author's deep familiarity with the country where he was educated up to secondary level, and even taught for some years in the University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, in the sixties.

The six essays on specific ethnic groups are written by five anthropologists and a linguist, all of whom have had long experience in the region. They cover a range of data and problems which should be of interest to all scholars of Southeast Asia, as well as those interested in ethnic identity and contemporary social and political processes. The essays sample groups according to a conventional division of the peoples of Southeast Asia – those that live in the plains (the Thai and the Mon), the middle slopes (the Lua and the Karen), and the high mountains (the Hmong and the Yao). This gives adequate coverage of the field, but the essays also help break down the confinement of such categories. The concluding essay looks at the data presented in the book in the framework of contemporary anthropological theory.

The past five years have held tremendous significance for the process of nation building in Malaysia. Civil society and voters, especially in urban areas, are making new and strong demands on the government, in fact on governance per se; the opposition parties that managed to pull off successful electoral upsets in 2008 have formed a viable coalition to challenge the long-term federal government; and the federal government itself has been trying to adopt a reformist image without alienating its numerous conservative supporters. Although the government's slogan of 1Malaysia was meant to signify national unity, it lacked credibility because many of the systemic deficiencies of sustained one party - 1Party - rule still remained. This collection of articles studies various aspects of change now pushed into the foreground for discussion.

This history is an account of Southeast Asia - New Zealand relations as they have emerged since the end of World War II. Drawing together the most prominent scholars of New Zealand's relations with Southeast Asia, this study examines the overall military, multilateral, and commercial relationships and those that assess individual bilateral relationships and diplomatic controversies. Southeast Asia remains a region of considerable importance for New Zealand, and has remained so through the course of decolonization, internal instability, external security, Cold War tensions, peacekeeping efforts, rapidly expanding economic growth (and crisis), and, increasingly, transitional security challenges such as terrorism.

Asia is rising and will wield greater economic and strategic weight in world affairs. However Asia also faces numerous challenges like poverty, domestic instability, deficiencies in governance and the rule of law, inter-state disputes and rivalries, and military build-ups, to name just a few. The celebration of Asia's rise would be premature if it is not accompanied by lasting peace and cooperation between states and justice and prosperity at home. The achievement of this happy state of affairs will require continuation of wise and pragmatic leadership, especially among the major powers. This collection of essays reflects on some of the major political and security issues in the region in recent times, including the balance of power among the major powers, American engagement and policies in Asia, India's rise, the global war on terrorism, the Iraq war, domestic developments in some countries as well as ASEAN's efforts to build regional peace and security.

"Ninety-nine percent of Filipinos are waiting for a telephone and the other one percent for a dial tone..." - Lee Kuan Yew, November 1992. A decade after the above quote, far reaching reforms in the telecommunications sector has dramatically changed the situation in both the Philippines and Malaysia. By looking at the institutions and actors that drove these changes, this book examines state capacity, market reform, and rent-seeking in the two countries. In doing so, the study challenges conventional depictions of the Malaysian and Philippine states. It contends that despite the weakness of the Philippine state, reform occurred through a coalition that out-manoeuvred vested interests. In Malaysia, although considered a strong state, patronage and rent-seeking played key roles in policy adoption and implementation. The study also demonstrates how the nature of groups supporting reform shapes policy implementation and its outcomes. Finally, while liberalisation removes monopoly rent, this book shows that it can also create other types of rents.

This admirable book contains fascinating autobiographical accounts, by some of Southeast Asia's most eminent scholars, concerning their struggle to find their own voices in interpreting the region to which they belong. The book should be indispensable to anyone interested in thinking about knowledge production and its politics in a postcolonial world. In the views of these scholarly Southeast Asians, we are made to see, in very personal terms, the link between the global crisis in the social sciences and the need to find remedies for it that are neither Eurocentric nor parochially anti-Western.-Professor Alexander WoodsideProfessor of Chinese and Southeast Asian HistoryUniversity of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada. This book marks the shift of the centre of Southeast Asian Studies from the West to Southeast Asia. The insights provided by the authors are not simply explanations of colonial and postcolonial experiences of major Southeast Asian scholars. Rather, the book provides a unique set of intellectual genealogies that show that distinctions between humanities and social sciences are less important than the development of distinctive local and regional traditions and practices of scholarship. Goh Beng-Lan's introduction frames the collection through her subtle deconstruction of international discourses on Southeast Asia. This introduction then allows the reader to view the different generations of Southeast Asian scholars in their social, political, and academic contexts. The end result is a combined view of the state of the art of Southeast Asian Studies, a view that is greater than the sum of its national parts. - Professor Adrian VickersChair of Southeast Asian StudiesUniversity of SydneyandDirector, Australian Centre for Asian Art and Archaeology The collection represents a coming of age of scholars from Southeast Asia. What we hear is not bluster that comes from a wounded pride or doctrinal certainties, but a quiet confidence that acknowledges the multiple currents in which their scholarship has been formed, and a willingness to engage the perspective of the 'other', both within and without. The reflexivity in this volume sets the stage for scholars from the region to develop perspectives and concepts to address the challenges of the new configuration of the Asia being ushered in by ASEAN. - Professor Prasenjit DuaraRaffles Professor of Humanities and Director of Research, Humanities and Social Sciences, National University of Singapore

Armed separatist insurgencies have created a real dilemma for many national governments of how much freedom to grant aggrieved minorities without releasing territorial sovereignty over the nation-state. This book examines different approaches that have been taken by seven states in South and Southeast Asia to try and resolve this dilemma through various offers of autonomy. Providing new insights into the conditions under which autonomy arrangements exacerbate or alleviate the problem of armed separatism, this comprehensive book includes in-depth analysis of the circumstances that lead men and women to take up arms in an effort to remove themselves from the state’s borders by creating their own independent polity.

Ever since Myanmar regained her independence in January 1948, the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Armed Forces) has been crucial in restoring and maintaining law and order. It is one of the most important institutions in Myanmar politics. Various aspects of the Tatmadaw have been studied. The most notable area of study has been the political role of the military. This study looks at the organizational development of the Myanmar armed forces. It analyses four different aspects of the Tatmadaw: military doctrine and strategy, organization and force structure, armament and force modernization, and military training and officer education. It sets out security perceptions and policies, charting developments in each phase against the situation at the time, and also notes the contributions of the leading actors in the process. Since early 1990s, the Tatmadaw has implemented a force modernization programme. This work studies rationales and strategy behind the force modernization programme and examines the military capabilities of the Tatmadaw. Drawing extensively from archival sources and existing literature, this empirically grounded research argues that, while the internal armed security threat to the state continues to play an important role, it is the external security threat that gives more weight to the expansion and modernization of the Tatmadaw since 1988. It also argues that, despite its imperfections, the Tatmadaw has transformed from a force essentially for counter-insurgency operations into a force capable of fighting in limited conventional warfare.

Once acting as local representatives of the national government and content to let their larger counterparts do the 'heavy lifting', state and provincial governments are increasingly expected to be stewards of their economies and deliver sustained growth rates for their citizens. Spurred on by increasing competition, not least from neighbouring territories, sub-national governments are increasingly formulating their own plans for economic development, taking out loans, investing in specialist facilities, and establishing marketing offices abroad. Despite this increasingly challenging environment, there is little research on what sub-national governments can or should do to catalyze the development of their economies. Focussing on the electronics sector, this book draws together ten cases of promising states or provinces largely, but not exclusively, from Asia. These dynamic regions have managed to outcompete the primary economic and political centres of power in their countries and are negotiating their own entry into one of the most challenging and demanding sectors. In exploring the issues of agency, autonomy, and state-business relations at the sub-national level, this book aims to shed light on a vital, but overlooked topic.

Indonesia is the world's largest archipelagic state. In 2001 it embarked on a "big bang" decentralization involving a major transfer of administrative, political and financial authority to its districts, now numbering more than 500. Together with the rapid transition from authoritarian to democratic rule in the late 1990s, this initiative has transformed the country's political, social and business life. While national government is the major area of contestation, power has shifted irreversibly away from the centre. How this significantly increased regional autonomy works will have a crucial bearing on the future of the Indonesian nation-state.This volume features contributions by over 40 writers with deep expertise on Indonesia. The book provides a timely, comprehensive and analytical assessment of the country's regional development dynamics in the post-decentralization environment. It explores historical, political and development patterns at the regional level; the relationship between decentralization and governance; local-level perspectives; migration, cities and connectivity; and the challenges confronting the peripheral regions of Aceh and Papua.

The early years of the twenty-first century have been characterized by a sense of widespread anxiety and fear because of the violent activities of groups of terrorists who claim they act in the name of Islam. Their acts of terrorism, viewed by a majority in the Muslim world as crimes which must be subject to the law, are in tragic contrast to the efforts of many Muslim intellectuals who have been working for the past several decades to find common ground between people of all faiths based on the universality of humankind. This book aims to bring to the attention of non-Muslims, in particular, the range of views which Muslims in the Middle East and in South and Southeast Asia hold on six topics of importance to life in the twenty-first century. The topics have been addressed from the internal Muslim point of view to provide readers with a sense of the main debates within Islam on each of the issues. The topics addressed are: the new world order; globalization and modernity; banking and finance; the nation-state; the position of women; and law and knowledge. The chapters have been written by Muslims and non-Muslims, each of whom is an expert on the area about which they write. The chapters are presented in pairs which offer Middle Eastern (and in one case South Asian) points of view which are matched by Southeast Asian perspectives on each of the six topics. While the media is quick to report on the more violent expressions of Islam, including terrorism, the vigorous debates, which now characterize the intellectual discourse in Muslim communities, are rarely if ever reported. This book not only describes and analyses those debates but also reflects the views of many Muslims across the world, emphasizing the connections and contrasts between the Middle East and Southeast Asia.

The ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) constitutes the most ambitious programme of economic cooperation in the developing world. Its goal is to create no less than a free flow of goods, services, foreign direct investment, and skilled labour, as well as a freer flow of capital, throughout the region. Implementing this agenda will be technically and politically difficult. Hence, understanding the potential economic "payoff" is of the essence. The goal of this book is to assess empirically the likely economic effects of the AEC on the ASEAN Member States and associated stakeholders. It mobilizes a number of techniques to do so, and finds that the likely effects will be large, even greater than the anticipated effects of the Single Market Program in Europe, for example. The AEC will help the region improve competitiveness, facilitate the creation of production networks, foster the diffusion of 'best practices', and help ASEAN project its interests more effectively in an increasingly integrated, global economy.