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Chapter 8 highlights the paradoxes of American and German housing policymaking amid surging house prices during the 2010s and early 2020s. American housing programs reinforced demand-led growth but also fueled financial bubbles and economic turmoil. In the post-2008-2009 period, this pattern persisted as policymakers continued stimulating housing-based growth, which simultaneously contributed to skyrocketing house prices, fears of a housing bubble, and an affordability crisis. In contrast, German policymakers retrenched housing programs that once supported the country's export-oriented growth regime by deflating housing costs. Consequently, they deprived themselves of the tools to respond to rapidly rising housing costs and affordability problems of recent years that risked fueling inflation and wage demands detrimental to export competitiveness. The conclusion of this book extends the broader lessons beyond the United States and Germany to such countries as Austria, Canada, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the United Kingdom, illustrating how these countries' different growth regimes channel housing policymaking in different directions.
This chapter focuses on the reception of Sean O’Casey’s drama in central Europe, defined for the purpose as consisting of Czechoslovakia (and its successor states, the Czech Republic and Slovakia), Poland, Hungary, and Austria. We see how, in this geographical area, productions and publications of the playwright’s work did not really take off until the 1950s. But this chapter shows that, from the mid-twentieth century, successful productions included Jan Werich and Jiří Krejčík’s filmed adaptations of O’Casey’s one-act plays in Czechoslovakia, and Zygmunt Hübner and Bronisław Pawlik’s Polish translation of The Shadow of a Gunman.
This chapter discusses Sean O’Casey’s drama performed in Germany, Austria, and German-speaking Switzerland. The main focus is on plays addressing political turmoil and revolutionary upheaval. Some German-speaking audiences for these plays were confronted with similar crises at the time that the plays were produced in the German language. As a hotspot of the East–West conflict, O’Casey’s plays performed in Berlin are of particular interest, and this chapter concludes with an appendix that lists key Germanophone premieres.
The Publicity Department of the Austrian Fatherland Front served the Ständestaat regime (1933–38). An elaborate organization on paper, the Fatherland Front's actual work was bound up in the performance of para-fascism and the surveillance of opposing parties. Each of these modes of being mutually reinforced the need for the other and created a unique self-awareness of failure within the movement. As such, the Publicity Department offers a microcosm of the larger challenges of the Ständestaat, which faltered in the face of economic collapse, political violence, and a population largely indifferent to its attempt to secure Austrian sovereignty in the 1930s.
Using examples from Germany, Austria, France, the Netherlands, and Belgium, this chapter discusses how Jewish leaders were chosen, how these organizations changed over time, the dilemmas they faced, and how decisions were made regarding cooperation or negotiations with Nazis, often on the basis of “preventing something worse.”
After Kristallnacht, the Nazis introduced forced labor for German Jews. Later, over a million Jewish men and women toiled for private and public enterprises in Europe and North Africa. Changing economic needs and persecution goals during the war determined timing, purpose, inhumane labor conditions, and chances of survival in each territory.
Migrant care workers are a marginalised group within Austrian society. Based on semi-structured interviews, this paper explores their real-life experiences and the problems they face and asks whether and how the law is relevant to their struggles. In short, migrant care workers are aware of some aspects of the law of the country in which they work, but they are reluctant to mobilise the law. Instead, they avoid disputes by using strategies such as leaving, denying or playing down conflicts. This behaviour can be understood by looking at the situation of migrant care workers in Austria. This paper also highlights the important role of migrant care workers’ networks and how these networks compensate for the lack of individual legal mobilisation.
The chapter begins with a review of the historical and current socio-political context for sexual minority and gender diverse (SMGD) individuals living in Austria, followed by relevant research on the associations between minority stress and well-being. A particular focus is devoted to presenting data collected as part of the SMGD-MN study. The chapter concludes with recommendations for future psychological research with SMGD communities in Austria.
Due to severe shortages of volunteer labor for repairing the damage immediately after World War II, the provisional Austrian federal government decided in September 1945 to make work compulsory, primarily for former National Socialists. As a result, these individuals were forced to perform a wide variety of reconstruction work over a period of two years. These workers subsequently sued the Republic of Austria for compensation payments and received a favorable ruling from the Supreme Court in 1951. The work of these conscripted former National Socialists was increasingly forgotten as the years went on, and, therefore, toward the end of the twentieth century, a form of “Trümmerfrauen” myth emerged in Austria. According to this myth, the immediate repair of war damage was mainly carried out by volunteer women. This article examines for the first time the people that worked in the removal of rubble in 1945 and 1946, how they described their work afterward, and how this compulsory labor gave rise to a positive reconstruction myth of voluntary women’s work.
Moving on form the socio-economic to the political side of developments during these years, the sixth chapter describes the meaning of unification and the split between Austria and the new imperial Germany, ruled by Prussia, for many Jews and non-Jews. The act of unification was often felt by them as a painful rupture, but at the same time for Jews it also meant their own full integration in the emerging new Germany. Interestingly, this also included their entry into the political sphere, especially the liberal camp. In addition to their fight for final emancipation, they were also part of the efforts to establish Germany as a liberal state, despite and often against its conservative leadership. The life of Eduard Lasker, from Posen through Vienna and London to Berlin, is related in this chapter as an example. Especially interesting is Lasker’s evolvement into Bismarck’s major opponent among the liberals in the 1870s, standing for another, progressive vision of the new state, supported by the majority of the Jews, now torn from their co-religionists south of the new border.
Historians have tended to view postwar labor migration, including the Turkish-German case, as a one-directional story whose consequences manifested within host country borders. This chapter complicates this narrative by arguing that Turkish migrants were mobile border crossers who traveled as tourists throughout Western Europe and took annual vacations to their homeland. These seasonal remigrations entailed a three-day car ride across Central Europe and the Balkans at the height of the Cold War. The drive traversed an international highway (Europastraße 5) extending from West Germany to Turkey through Austria, socialist Yugoslavia, and communist Bulgaria. Migrants’ unsavory travel experiences along the way underscored East/West divides, and they transmuted their disdain for the “East” onto their impoverished home villages. Moreover, the cars and “Western” consumer goods they transported reshaped their identities. Those in the homeland came to view the Almancı as superfluous spenders who were spending their money selfishly rather than for the good of their communities. Overall, the idea that a migrant could become German shows that those in the homeland could intervene from afar in debates about German identity amid rising racism: although many derided Turks as unable to integrate, they had integrated enough to face difficulties reintegrating into Turkey.
This article revisits Austria's migration history from the end of World War II until the end of the Cold War. Recent research has challenged the persistently commemorated welcoming Austrian attitude toward refugees who had been living under communism. The initial humanitarian efforts in 1956 and 1968, respectively, were remarkable. However, an analysis beyond the first weeks of both events reveals that (though to different degrees) public and political attitudes toward refugees took a negative turn. Throughout the 1970s, asylum for dissidents was portrayed as a continuation of the country's humanitarian tradition. However, in 1981, refugees from Poland were immediately perceived as unwanted labor migrants. In 1989/90, the scenario was similar: while the transiting East German refugees were welcomed, migrants from other countries (like Romania) were not. In the early 1990s, Austria decided on a reform of its asylum and foreigner policies. But when and why did the (supposedly welcome) refugees from countries under communist rule turn into unwelcome labor migrants? The analysis in this article explores the potential impact of the age of détente and the repercussions of the 1970s economic crises and the resulting end to active recruitment of foreign workers.
This article studies the development of antisemitism in Austria in the late nineteenth century through the example of Josef Deckert. The priest is depicted in historiography as one of the most prominent anti-Jewish agitators of that period, but his path to antisemitism has not been explored. This research indicates that Deckert's adoption of antisemitic ideology happened abruptly and was not guided by ecclesiastical or lay authorities. The article, therefore, invites us to look more at individual actors and local cultures and less on strategies from above when studying the spread of populist movements. At the same time, the analysis draws attention to two aspects that have been studied little in connection to the diffusion of antisemitism in the modern period, the cult of Saint Joseph and the remembrance of the Turkish siege of Vienna. Deckert was deeply devoted to Saint Joseph and invoked the patron saint of the Habsburg monarchy, not only as protector of Catholic Austria at the time of the Ottoman wars, but as patron of the workers and defender against the contemporary Austrian Jews.
After all-male universal conscription had been deactivated in many European countries in the post-Cold War era, the past decade has seen a surprising reversal of this trend, with several countries reactivating, voting to retain, or even extending military conscription to women. Due to the strong historical link between conscription and the formation of hierarchical gender orders, this paper conducts a feminist analysis of debates on conscription in Sweden and Austria and asks how gender served to legitimise the ‘return’ of mandatory military service. We find that a neoliberal, individualistic discourse legitimised Sweden’s gender-neutral conscription as an efficient and progressive model that presents as competitive, while the Austrian all-male model was justified on the basis of conservative, communitarian sentiments of fostering responsible male citizens and preserving a solidaric national community. Moreover, while conscription was envisioned as strengthening Swedish defence and war preparedness, conscription in Austria was rather associated with containing militarism and preventing involvement in armed conflict. Despite these differences, we suggest that hierarchical notions of masculinity and femininity, intersecting with classed and racialised dichotomies, served to render conscription acceptable and even appealing in both cases.
The purpose of this study was to characterize more fully the surface charge characteristics of the end-member smectite in illite-smectite (I-S) mixed-layer phases found previously in pelitic sediments of the Molasse Basin in Austria. The smectite end member was shown to have an unusually high interlayer charge (0.58). Based on earlier work on pure smectites, it was hypothesized that this high charge represents the mean of a mixture of a higher- and lower-charged smectite component intermixed with illite. To test this hypothesis, the magnitude of the interlayer charge of the smectites was evaluated using 2 different methods: alkylammonium ion orientation and K-fixation by wetting and drying.
Using 2 I-S samples of different I-S ratios, saturated with alkyammonium ions of chain lengths nc = 5–18, X-ray diffraction patterns (XRD) could be interpreted as representing a 3-component system, consisting of randomly interlayered high- and low-charged smectite and illite.
K-fixation, carried out by K-treatment and followed by 100 wetting and drying (WD) cycles, confirmed the presence of a high-charged smectite component admixed with low-charged smectite, both interlayered with illite. The wetting and drying of the K-treated samples led to interlayer collapse of the high-charged smectite component and to the production of illite layers stable against exchange with 0.1 N SrCl2. The 2 smectites occur in the ratio of about 1:1 and consist of 1 phase with an interlayer charge of about 0.76 and another phase with a normal charge of about 0.40. During diagenesis, the 2 kinds of smectite are altering simultaneously to the same end-member illite along 2 different reaction paths.
Cores of pelitic sediments (Eocene-Miocene) of the drillings Puchkirchen 1 and Geretsberg 1 (Molasse Basin, Upper Austria) have been studied to determine the mineralogical and chemical changes taking place during burial diagenesis. Mineralogical and chemical investigations of the bulk samples show that the deepest samples of the profiles are derived from a different source area. In particular, there is an increase in kaolinite and chlorite with depth and a decrease in quartz related to the initial sedimentology and provenance.
Investigations of the <2 µm and <0.2 µm fractions of the profiles Puchkirchen 1 and Geretsberg 1 reveal the diagenetic overprint of the mineral constituents: The gradual illitization of mixed-layer illite-smectite, also reflected in an increase of K2O and Al2O3, is displayed most prominently in the <0.2 µm fraction. The source for the Al and K is the dissolution of K-feldspar (<2 µm fraction), as indicated in many previous studies.
The I-S mixed-layer phases are randomly interlayered to a depth of 1600 m; from there on a regular interstratified I-S phase appears in coexistence with the randomly interlayered I-S mixed layer. The randomly oriented phase is still present in major amounts to depths of 2500 m, presumably as a result of the low geothermal gradient (2.9 °C/100 m) in the Molasse Basin.
The calculation of the structural formula of the end members illite and smectite from this series of I-S mixed-layer phases gave the following results: Smectite: $${K_{0.14}}{X^ + }_{0.44}\left( {A{l_{1.10}}M{g_{0.46}}F{e_{0.36}}T{i_{0.01}}} \right)S{i_{4.03}}{O_{10}}{\left( {OH} \right)_2}$$
The end-member interlayer charge for the smectite component (+0.58) is higher than reported for typical smectites (+0.32 to +0.47). It is suggested that the I-S phases of the Molasse Basin are probably intergrowths of 3 layer-silicate members: illite, low-charged smectite and high-charged smectite. The determined smectite end-member composition represents, therefore, an average for a variable 2-component smectite system. The charge-differences of the 2 smectites would likely reflect the differences in source material, which in turn would have led to the formation of different early, highly smectitic I-S phases in the sedimentary basin.
Access to Austrian employment law is dependent on whether an individual can be regarded as an ‘employee’. Essentially, the idiosyncratic protection provided by employment law is awarded based on a binary option: the subordinate ‘employee’ in contrast to the self-employed person. Intermediary categories – such as the ‘quasi-subordinate’ status – are mere exceptions, although with increasing importance.
Austrian law does not provide a given notion of the ‘employee’. The Austrian Civil Code came into force in 1812, when special protection for employees was not considered necessary.
The Bank of England and its governor, Montagu Norman, who had a decisive influence on monetary reconstruction after the First World War considered the new Austrian central bank too accommodating of Viennese banks, which clung to a prewar business strategy no longer appropriate to the economic environment. The fraught relationship between the Bank of England and the Austrian National Bank limited Austrian access to the London capital market. Thus, much-needed long-term capital for restructuring and modernizing of the Austrian economy was not available in the quantities needed, only short-term deposits that were not rolled-over after the outbreak of the financial crisis in 1931. Austrian National Bank President Reisch was replaced in 1932 by Viktor Kienböck, a former minister of finance who then masterminded Austrian economic policy until the German invasion in 1938. In accordance with the League of Nations, which guaranteed a second international bond of Austria in 1932, Kienböck adhered to the orthodox economic policy paradigm, rigorously defending the currency in the face of growing overvaluation. As a result, Austria’s economy shrank, and by 1937 its GDP stood 14% below its level of 1929.
Germany can serve as short-hand for the “Holy Roman Empire” in the eighteenth century. Long dismissed as a constitutional “monstrosity,” the Empire in reality proved a surprisingly durable fixture of Europe’s Old Regime political and dynastic firmament. Within its confines there existed a multiplicity of sub-units that ranged in size and importance from the Great Powers of Austria and Prussia, to tiny independent principalities and city states. Some of these might be considered vibrant, and others stagnant. Some were ruled by princes who deserved the label “enlightened,” whilst others were governed by despots. A generalization that holds for the Empire as a whole is that it encouraged a political culture distinguished by its legalism and its localism. These characteristics were hardly effective when confronting the challenges posed by the French Revolution, whose real impact on Germany began in 1792 with the outbreak of the French Revolutionary Wars. These wars ultimately destroyed the Empire, thereby paving the way for the transformation of Germany that occurred under the hegemony of Napoleon.
In the second half of the 1960s, Austria seized on the Italian gas-for-pipe initiative and closed a deal with the Soviet Union. This presented a peculiar problem for the country’s small economy. Under the hegemony of convertibility of the US dollar, as well as the competitive, liberalizing impetus initiated in the establishment of the EEC, Austria feared that the coming large outlays in purchases of Soviet gas would not in turn be spent in Austria. The Soviets were pressuring Austria to liberalize its markets and do away with the strict balancing of trade that had been the norm during Bretton Woods through the technology of negotiated, long-term trade lists. They were right to fear. The Soviets were eager to spend the convertible currency earned through gas exports as profitably as possible. Years before military exports and Petrodollar recycling resolved a similar problem for the United States and Western Europe, Austria struggled to maintain the kind of accounts-balancing, barter exchange with the socialist world it had enjoyed in the postwar period. Market integration seemed inexorable. And the face of that inexorability was the Soviet Union.