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Advancing Legal Recognition and Community-Led Reparations for Indigenous Rights in Combating Climate Change and Environmental Degradation

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  08 September 2025

Marie-Louise Fehun Aren*
Affiliation:
Doctoral Candidate University of Pretoria, South Africa and Research Fellow, Marine and Environmental Law, Schulich Law School, Dalhousie University, Canada.
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Designing meaningful reparations for Indigenous communities requires grappling with the enduring effects of historical and contemporary injustices. Despite the existence of international legal frameworks such as the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) and International Labour Organization Convention 169, Indigenous peoples around the world continue to experience systemic land dispossession, exclusion from decision making, and environmental harm tied to extractive and infrastructure projects. These harms are often compounded by the lack of formal legal recognition of Indigenous land rights and the failure to uphold principles like Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC). Addressing these realities demands reparative frameworks that go beyond symbolic recognition, offering structural responses grounded in accountability, restitution, and the restoration of Indigenous autonomy over land and resources.

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Essay
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© The Author(s) 2025. Published by Cambridge University Press for The American Society of International Law

Introduction

Designing meaningful reparations for Indigenous communities requires grappling with the enduring effects of historical and contemporary injustices. Despite the existence of international legal frameworks such as the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) and International Labour Organization Convention 169, Indigenous peoples around the world continue to experience systemic land dispossession, exclusion from decision making, and environmental harm tied to extractive and infrastructure projects. These harms are often compounded by the lack of formal legal recognition of Indigenous land rights and the failure to uphold principles like Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC). Addressing these realities demands reparative frameworks that go beyond symbolic recognition, offering structural responses grounded in accountability, restitution, and the restoration of Indigenous autonomy over land and resources.

This essay explores how strengthening legal recognition mechanisms can serve as a pathway to community-led reparations for Indigenous peoples, drawing from the experiences of American and African Indigenous communities. It argues that reparations must include not only financial or symbolic measures but also structural reforms that restore Indigenous autonomy and control over land, resource management, knowledge systems, and governance. The analysis focuses on three key dimensions of the recognition of legal rights as forms of reparative justice: the formal recognition of Indigenous land titles, the protection and integration of Traditional ecological knowledge and the enforcement of FPIC. Through case studies such as the Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act of 1975 in the United States and the Ogoni community’s struggle for redress in Nigeria’s Niger Delta, the essay examines how these legal and institutional tools have contributed to or fallen short of realizing reparative outcomes for Indigenous communities.

A comparative analysis of American and African contexts reveals both shared principles and critical divergences in advancing Indigenous rights through legal recognition and community-led initiatives. While both contexts emphasize self-determination, traditional knowledge, and sustainability, U.S. tribes benefit from stronger legal frameworks and federal support, enabling greater resource control. In contrast, many African Indigenous communities operate under weaker, more decentralized governance systems, such as Namibia’s Community-Based Natural Resource Management model. While not formally and originally designed as a reparations program, the Community-Based Natural Resource Management works as a part of a comprehensive structural redress mechanism that contributes to the broader goals of reparative justice by restoring indigenous community control over traditional lands and enabling local benefit-sharing from natural resources. These differences underscore the importance of integrating robust legal reforms with culturally grounded, community-driven governance to ensure Indigenous rights are not only recognized but exercised as part of a broader reparative process.

Conceptual Framework for the Legal Recognition and Protection of Indigenous Rights

Indigenous communities globally struggle to secure legal recognition and protection of their land and resource rights.Footnote 1 As Justice Seutloali, observes, these challenges stem from historical injustices, discriminatory laws, and weak enforcement mechanisms, which often leave Indigenous peoples vulnerable to displacement, resource exploitation, and marginalization.Footnote 2 Frameworks like UNDRIP and ILO Convention 169 support Indigenous rights, highlighting free, prior, and informed consent and respect for customs. However, national legal gaps and weak enforcement hinder effective implementation.Footnote 3

Community-led reparations provide a transformative means of addressing historical injustices by supporting Indigenous peoples in managing the enduring impacts of environmental degradation and climate change.Footnote 4 Also, this form of reparations empower Indigenous communities to take control of their own reparative processes, especially in cases of actual or potential environmental degradation, offering a transformative approach to achieving justice. Unlike externally driven reparations—such as state-led and court-ordered reparations, which often marginalize Indigenous voices—these initiatives focus on self-determination, cultural leadership, and the integration of traditional knowledge with modern governance structures, while recognizing the agency of Indigenous communities.Footnote 5 In some climes, tribal councils have played a central role in enabling tribes to manage their own affairs and resources, blending ecological knowledge with contemporary conservation practices.

Similarly, in some developing countries, Community-Based Natural Resource Management programs have empowered local communities to manage their natural resources, generating economic opportunities while preserving cultural heritage. However, despite notable successes of meeting the broader goals of reparative justice, several challenges persist, particularly in the areas of legal recognition, institutional support, and the risk of elite capture. Also, some Indigenous communities often lack comparable legal protections, limiting their capacity to fully realize the benefits of community-led reparations in the face of climate change and environmental degradation. Effective reparations necessitates legal reform, community empowerment, and global Indigenous collaboration for lasting impact.

Successes and Challenges in Externally Driven Reparations for Indigenous Communities

FPIC established by UNDRIP and ILO Convention 169 guarantees Indigenous peoples’ approval of projects on their lands. Though not widely used in reparations, FPIC should guide externally driven programs to ensure inclusion and protect Traditional Ecological Knowledge. Externally led reparations are generally designed, funded, or managed by external persons, such as governments, among others.

The Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act of 1975, which falls under the United States’ Indigenous self-governance and reparations programs marked a paradigm shift in U.S. policy toward American Indigenous tribes, granting them greater autonomy in managing their own affairs.Footnote 6 The Act was enacted to reverse decades of paternalistic federal policies that undermined tribal sovereignty. The Act allows federally recognized tribes to have greater control over their own affairs, particularly in education, health, and social services. Previously, federal agencies controlled Indigenous programs, often overlooking Indigenous community needs. This top-down approach perpetuated dependency and marginalization, limiting tribes’ ability to develop culturally appropriate solutions.Footnote 7 The Act introduced a self-determination framework allowing tribes to manage federal programs through contracts or compacts. This enabled them to tailor services to their needs, strengthen governance, and build administrative capacity. It also enhanced funding flexibility, cultural relevance, and political influence, laying the foundation for modern tribal self-governance.

Despite the significant advances made by the Act, its implementation reveals ongoing challenges from a reparative justice perspective because it did not incorporate FPIC. FPIC is a fundamental principle recognized internationally under instruments like the UNDRIP but not incorporated into U.S. law.Footnote 8 This gap means that many projects impacting Indigenous lands have proceeded without adequate tribal consent or meaningful consultation, limiting the Act’s reparative potential to restore Indigenous sovereignty and remedy historical harms. For example, the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe’s opposition to the Dakota Access Pipeline was grounded in concerns over treaty rights and cultural preservation, yet the legal battle focused on environmental review under the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), which does not guarantee FPIC.Footnote 9 This exposes a disconnect between Indigenous expectations of reparative justice and the protections afforded under U.S. law. Similarly, the resistance of the Gwich’in Nation against oil drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge underscores the ongoing struggle to protect Indigenous lands, culture, and subsistence from economic exploitation.Footnote 10 These cases demonstrate that, true reparative justice remains incomplete without legal recognition and enforcement of Indigenous peoples’ right to free, prior, and informed consent.

The Ogoni case in Nigeria’s Niger Delta illustrates the struggle of African Indigenous communities for the legal recognition of their land rights, and reparative environmental justice. As one of the Indigenous peoples of the region, the Ogoni have long endured environmental injustice and marginalization on their ancestral lands. Their livelihoods depend on the land and its resources, but for a long time, they have faced extensive environmental degradation caused by oil extraction by multinational corporations. The Nigerian government, in partnership with oil companies like Shell, has consistently prioritized economic development and resource extraction over the rights of indigenous communities. The landmark case of Social and Economic Rights Action Center v. Nigeria brought the plight of the Ogoni people to the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, which found the Nigerian government complicit in violating their rights to health, a clean environment, and natural resources.Footnote 11 This decision advanced the legal recognition of Indigenous rights in Africa, affirming state duties to protect communities from corporate exploitation. Like similar cases involving American Indigenous peoples, the Ogoni case highlights the persistent gap between legal recognition of rights and the realization of effective reparations.

Despite the Commission’s recommendations such as environmental remediation, guarantees of non-repetition of oil spillage, adequate financial compensation under international human rights laws, among others, the Nigerian government has been slow to act. One of the most significant obstacles is the lack of political will and the entrenched interests of powerful multinational corporations operating in the region, particularly oil companies.Footnote 12 Their economic influence and political connections have often shielded them from accountability. The Nigerian government too, has often been accused of complicity in corporate malfeasance, and ultimately struggled to enforce the ruling, and hold these corporations accountable for the damage caused.Footnote 13 In addition, weak state capacity continue to worsen the situation, as the Nigerian government struggles to regulate the oil sector and invest in environmental restoration in the Niger Delta.Footnote 14

The Ogoni case highlights conflicts between customary and statutory land and environmental governance systems in Africa, exposing Indigenous communities to land grabs and resource exploitation. Though it sets a legal precedent for Indigenous agency in enforcing legal rights over their environment, weak enforcement reveals the need for stronger frameworks. Overall, the potential and limits of state-led and court-driven recognition of Indigenous rights remain unsatisfactory.

Community-Led Reparations and Empowerment Initiatives: Lessons from the United States and Namibia

Although these reparations processes were externally driven, Indigenous communities like the Ogoni and Standing Rock Sioux have demonstrated significant agency and leadership in mobilizing for justice, highlighting the importance of Indigenous community advocacy even within externally created frameworks.Footnote 15

Community-led reparations are designed and driven by Indigenous communities, though funded by governments or responsible parties. Unlike externally driven or top-down models, they center Indigenous priorities, cultural values, and decision-making power, enabling communities to define harms and guide remedies. This transformative approach empowers Indigenous peoples and strengthens reparative justice through self-determination and accountability. Community-led initiatives are essential for creating sustainable solutions that integrate traditional knowledge with modern governance frameworks.Footnote 16 In the United States, tribal council self-governance projects have become a cornerstone of community-driven reparations. Tribal councils, established under the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 and reinforced by the Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act of 1975, allow tribes to manage their own affairs, from education to resource governance.Footnote 17 Despite these successes, tribal council governance faces significant limitations. Federal oversight and underfunding often constrain the capacity of tribal governments to implement long-term reparative initiatives, such as education reform, healthcare services, cultural preservation, land stewardship, and economic development.Footnote 18 Moreover, while tribal councils provide a platform for self-determination, they are sometimes criticized for adopting Western governance structures that may marginalize traditional leadership.

In Namibia, Community-Based Natural Resource Management initiatives offer a powerful example of community-driven empowerment in the African context.Footnote 19 This stands in sharp contrast to externally imposed reparations efforts, such as the German government’s formal acknowledgment of the colonial genocide against the Herero and Nama peoples (1904–1908).Footnote 20 Although Germany committed to funding reconstruction and development programs, Indigenous leaders through Namibian civil societies criticized the agreement for excluding them from negotiations and for failing to deliver direct reparations.Footnote 21 Top-down reparations often sideline Indigenous voices, while grassroots models like Namibia’s Community-Based Natural Resource Management can serve as forms of reparative justice by returning resource control to historically dispossessed communities. Community-Based reparations can be used to redress the legacy of colonial land alienation by enabling Indigenous groups to benefit economically from their ancestral territories. For instance, the Torra Conservancy, led by Himba and Herero communities, blends ecotourism with conservation, generating income and preserving cultural heritage. However, risks like elite capture persist.

From the above analysis, a cross-regional comparison of Indigenous rights initiatives in the American and African contexts reveal valuable lessons for integrating externally driven and community-based approaches. Both regions emphasize self-determination, traditional knowledge, and sustainability through local governance systems such as tribal councils. However, structural differences remain in the strength of applicable legal frameworks. A key lesson is the need to integrate legal reforms with community empowerment. While legal recognition provides the foundation for Indigenous rights, it is community-led initiatives that translate these rights into tangible benefits. Best practices from a reparative perspective include ensuring that governance models are culturally appropriate, foster inclusive decision-making to avoid elite capture, and diversifying income streams to build resilience against economic shocks.

Conclusion

To address the persistent gaps in the recognition and protection of Indigenous rights, an integrated policy framework is essential. These recommendations propose strategies to improve the implementation of international legal frameworks, empower Indigenous communities, and merge legal recognition with sustainable environmental practices. To empower Indigenous Communities, national governments should implement participatory budgeting processes that allow Indigenous communities to decide how reparations funds are allocated. Communities could direct reparations toward education, healthcare, culture, or infrastructure, ensuring alignment with their own priorities and needs. Equally important is creating global and regional Indigenous knowledge networks to share reparative strategies and best practices. For example, Indigenous communities, especially in the Global South could learn from the resource governance models of U.S. tribal councils, while American tribes could gain insights into Namibia’s successful ecotourism ventures. This exchange would promote collaboration and mutual learning, enriching reparative initiatives worldwide. In addition, leadership programs that train indigenous youth in legal, environmental, and policy advocacy should be introduced.

To advance Indigenous rights and ecological sustainability, governments might consider establishing Biocultural Conservation Areas co-managed with Indigenous communities, where appropriate and desired by those communities. These initiatives, which integrate Traditional Ecological Knowledge with scientific conservation appear promising in reparative contexts. However, this reparative approach must be tailored to the specific legal, cultural, and environmental conditions of each Indigenous group, recognizing that Indigenous communities are not monolithic and may differ in their aspirations, governance systems, and relationships to land. Also, there should be national government efforts to develop carbon credit schemes where Indigenous communities can receive direct financial benefits for protecting forests, wetlands, and other ecosystems. This empowers sustainable land management within climate action. Integrating environmental accountability into constitutions, like Ecuador’s rights of nature, can also mandate FPIC and support Indigenous-led environmental governance. In all, combining legal recognition with community-driven empowerment can advance reparative justice and promote environmental sustainability.

References

1 Birgitte Feiring, Indigenous Peoples’ Rights to Lands, Territories, and Resources, Int’l Land Coalition, 12–21 (2013).

2 Justice Seutloali, Land of the Ancestors: “Expropriation a Necessity for Justice,” 1–5 (2024).

3 Sri Wartini, The Impacts of REDD+ to The Protection of Indigenous People’s Rights in Developing Countries Based on International Law Perspective, E3S Web of Conferences 594 (2024).

4 For examples of community-led reparations, see the Māori fisheries settlements in Aotearoa New Zealand, and Ogiek-led forest restoration efforts in Kenya. See Heidi Kai Guth, Dividing the Catch: Natural Resource Reparations to Indigenous Peoples-Examining the Maori Fisheries Settlement, 24 U. Haw. L. Rev. 179 (2001); Nelson Baiye Mbu & Fabrice Tambe Endoh, A Commentary on the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights’ Remedial Approach in Its Ruling on Reparations in African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights v. Kenya, 7 African Hum. Rts. Y.B. 355 (2023).

5 The Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act 1971 imposed corporate structures and extinguished land rights without full consultation, marginalizing Indigenous self-determination. See Eric C. Chaffee, Business Organizations and Tribal Self-Determination: A Critical Re-examination of the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act, 25 Alaska L. Rev. 107 (2008).

6 Cassandria Dortch, Elayne J. Heisler & Mariel J. Murray, Tribal Self-Determination Authorities: Overview and Issues for Congress, CRS Report R48256.

7 Id.; see also Geoffrey D. Strommer & Stephen D. Osborne, The History, Status, and Future of Tribal Self-Governance Under the Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act, 39 Am. Indian L. Rev. 1 (2014).

8 Laurence Klein, María Jesús Muñoz-Torres & María Ángeles Fernández-Izquierdo, A Comparative Account of Indigenous Participation in Extractive Projects: The Challenge of Achieving Free, Prior and Informed Consent, 15 Extractive Indus. & Soc’y 101270 (2023).

9 Shelia Hu, The Dakota Access Pipeline: What You Need to Know, NRDC Guide Stories (June 12 2024).

10 Corey Himrod, The Gwich’in and the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, Alaska Wilderness League (Oct. 22, 2021); see also Holly Miowak Guise, Environmental Justice in North America 155–81 (2023).

11 Social and Economic Rights Action Center (SERAC) and Center for Economic and Social Rights (CESR) v. Nigeria, Comm. No. 155/96, Decision (African Comm’n Hum. & Peoples’ Rts. Oct. 27, 2001).

12 Amedemoiku Ebanehita Orieso, Improving the Human Rights Accountability of Multinational Corporations in the Oil and Gas Industry: A Case Study of Nigeria, 204–15 (PhD Diss. RGU 2021); Fons Coomans, The Ogoni Case Before the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, 52 Int’l & Comp. L. Q. 749 (2003).

13 Obiora Chinedu Okafor, International Law, Human Rights, and the Allegory of the Ogoni Question: Legitimate Governance in Africa, in Legitimate Governance in Africa: International and Domestic Legal Perspectives (Edward Kofi Quashigah & Obiora Chinedu Okafor eds., 1999).

14 Orieso, supra note 12; see also Eucharia Oluchi Nwaichi & Justice Obinna Osuoha, Has the National Policy on Environmental Pollution Control in Nigeria Been Neglected in the Niger Delta Region? An Update, 24 Env’t, Dev. & Sustainability 12494 (2022).

15 Catherine Millas Kaiman, Environmental Justice and Community-Based Reparations, 39 Seattle U. L. Rev. 1327 (2015). Community-led reparations refer to initiatives designed and implemented by affected communities to address historical injustices, reclaim agency over their rights, and foster sustainable development.

16 Katie L. Kamelamela, Kōkua Aku & Kōkua Mai, An Indigenous Consensus-Driven and Place-Based Approach to Community Led Dryland Restoration and Stewardship, 506 Forest Ecology & Mgmt. 119949 (2022).

17 Kirsten Matoy Carlson, Access to Justice in the Shadow of Colonialism, 29 Harv. Civ. Rts.-Civ. Liberties L. Rev. 69 (2024).

18 Laura E. Evans, Power from Powerlessness: Tribal Governments, Institutional Niches, and American Federalism (2011).

19 M. Foyet, Community-Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) in Southern Africa: History, Principles, Evolution and Contemporary Challenges, 9 Namibian J. Env’t C-15 (2024).

20 Germany Officially Recognises Colonial-Era Namibia Genocide, BBC News, (May 28, 2021).

21 Mutoy Mubiala, Namibian Civil Society and German Reparations for the Genocide of the Herero And Nama Peoples (1904–1908), ASF.