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Chapter Fourteen - From Prayut “Heavy” to Prayut “Light” (2014–23)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 July 2025

Paul Chambers
Affiliation:
Naresuan University, Thailand
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Summary

In 2014, praetorianism proved that it was no phenomenon of Thailand's past. During the evening of 22 May, Prayut, alongside all security service commanders (Supreme Command, navy, air force and police) appeared on television to announce the putsch. That same evening, the coup-created National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO), which Prayut headed, voided the 2007 constitution except for the articles dealing with the king, dissolved the civilian government, and two days later dissolved the Senate. The NCPO assumed control of all state agencies. The coup, though rumoured to have been planned months in advance, likely had its origins in late 2010, when anti-Thaksin senior officers and aristocrats were already understanding clearly that a pro-Thaksin government had a good chance to win the next general election. This assumption was confirmed by Democrat Party bigwig and PDRC leader Suthep Thaugsuban, who publicly stated in June 2014 (despite Prayut's denial) that he had regularly talked with then army commander Prayut about:

strategies to root out the influence of former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his allies since the 2010 political violence…. [Suthep and Prayut had] been actively plotting to bring down former prime minister Yingluck Shinwatra, including the period leading up to the coup when she was defense minister.

Although Prayut and his new NCPO junta had come to power by force, and indeed he announced the accession of NCPO rule on televisions, Prayut refused to use the word “coup”. The stated reasons for the putsch put forward by the junta were to safeguard the monarchy, help “the country … return to normality quickly … for society to love and be at peace again”; to “push through political reform”, “stop violence” and seek “a way out of [the country’s] crisis”. Nevertheless, there were several informal rationales that seemed more suited to the coup leaders’ objectives. These included but were not limited to (1) ensuring arch-royalist order amidst an impending monarchical succession; (2) re-asserting monarchical-military domination over Thailand amidst perceived threats from civilians (especially Thaksin and Yingluck Shinawatra); (3) consolidating the domination over the armed forces and police by the junta leaders’ military faction; and (4) enhancing military corporate interests, particularly those of the senior brass.

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Type
Chapter
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Praetorian Kingdom
A History of Military Ascendancy in Thailand
, pp. 619 - 647
Publisher: ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
Print publication year: 2024

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