Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 October 2015
After Suharto's resignation, the “reformasi” movement brought pressure for significant change in the political system. For many Indonesians who had lived under the repressive regime of the autocrat, the hope for reform was palpable. A liberated domestic media embraced its new role. In business, meanwhile, rivals of Suharto-assisted groups were sharpening their knives, eager to slash the privileges accorded to Salim and the favoured few. Many people wanted the Salim Group to pay heavily for buttressing Suharto. Some politicians saw a chance to get control of valuable assets and ensure Anthony was crushed in post-Suharto Indonesia. “They could go after him for everything”, Indonesian agricultural economist H.S. Dillon remarked. “He would be a very good symbol to crucify. He is the most vulnerable of the cronies.”
Exacerbating Salim's situation was that Indonesia's new president, B.J. Habibie, was no friend. Habibie was an unpredictable, hyperactive man who, during Suharto's time, pushed grandiose nationalistic plans at great cost to the country. He was distrustful of Salim and saw Liem competing for favoured status with Suharto. Anthony, however, stayed on good terms with Habibie's younger brother Timmy (Suryatim), with whom he had business in Batam. But that cut little ice with Habibie who, Anthony acknowledged, “hated me like hell” because the Salim CEO had urged Suharto in early 1998 to give Gen. Try Sutrisno a second vice-presidential term. Habibie had surrounded himself with advisors who were deemed nationalists and not particularly friendly to the cukong culture. Liem confirmed that he also weighed in on the vice-presidential appointment, warning the president that the German-trained engineer was “like a tiger … he will get you when you are down.” Anthony added that when Habibie became president, he wanted to “change the total picture of the players”.
SHEDDING WEIGHT TO STAY ALIVE
Confronted with a sea change, some Salim executives were not confident about the future of the group. Andree Halim wanted out of Jakarta, as the May riots, the loss of BCA, and the enmity shown after Suharto's exit made him want to stop working in Indonesia. (Andree declined to meet the authors.) The fight to keep Salim afloat was solely on Anthony's shoulders. He was determined to see it survive but given the political situation, it was far from a sure bet.
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