To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge-org.demo.remotlog.com
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
A long-standing economic policy goal of the oil-dependent states of the Gulf Cooperation Council is to increase economic diversification. Over the last decades, GCC governments fostered the development of non-oil economies through large-scale public investments in the stocks of human and physical capital.
This book takes a new look at economic diversification efforts by examining the impact of different public expenditure categories (capital, education, health) on non-oil GDP and labour productivity developments in the three GCC countries Bahrain, Oman and Qatar since the 1970s. Building both on an econometric analysis and detailed country studies, this book analyses not only whether public expenditure has been an important driver of overall non-oil economic growth but also how public expenditure impacted different potential sources of non-oil economic growth such as economy-wide investment or productivity levels.
By elaborating the channels through which public expenditure tends to impact non-oil economic growth in Bahrain, Oman and Qatar, this book contributes to the academic and public debate about the effectiveness of ongoing diversification strategies in the GCC countries.
Among the many strategic and economic issues facing the Gulf in the coming years, those relating to the Indian Ocean are set to be among the most challenging. In the re-ordering of global economic and political power which is currently underway, the Indian Ocean constitutes a key arena for regional and global competition and rivalry.
With the leading Asian powers playing a more pro-active role in the region, sometimes with conflicting ambitions, and the United States intent on maintaining its established maritime hegemony there, the potential dangers for the Gulf states are considerable. Gulf economic interests and perhaps regime stability would be severely affected by conflict.
This book contends that the Gulf states need to play an active part in the promotion of Indian Ocean stability and security, working with other Indian Ocean states to develop institutional structures and practices which encourage cooperation and provide avenues for conflict resolution. They have everything to gain from such a strategy.
Egypt continues to be cultural and political beacon in the Middle East. Its control of the Suez Canal, cold peace with Israel, concern about Gaza, mediation and interest in the Israel-Palestine conflict, and the marginalization of the Muslim Brotherhood are all points of significance. There is a close, and expanding, defence and security relationship between Egypt and the GCC states, most evident in the inclusion of Egypt in Saudi Arabia's new Sunni counter-terrorism alliance.
The authors of this book contextualise historical linkages, and allies add to this the real postures (especially contentious relations with Qatar and Turkey) and study Egypt's strategic relations with Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the UAE in particular.
The book's main argument derives from a complex web of political, socio-economic and military issues in a changing regional and international system. It states that the Egyptian regional policy under Sisi will generally remain consistent with existing parameters (such as broad counter-terrorism efforts, including against the Muslim brotherhood). There is strong evidence to support the idea that Cairo wishes to maintain a GCC-first policy.
The Gulf is in the first rank of potential global flashpoints. It is the largest market for weapons imports in the world, and is considered to be a vital interest of all the great powers. Iran is viewed as an expansionist threat by the Arab states of the Gulf, who have built considerable militaries in a historically short timeframe.
Security in the Gulf, however, is a complicated matter. The Arab states of the Gulf have pursued different defense policies as well as different ways of building up their forces. In some instances, the establishment of a strong military is not just a way to ensure security, but also a way to build a national identity. In other cases, great powers (such as the United States) seek to promote cooperation between the Arab Gulf militaries as an interim step to promote political reform and integration.
The essays in this volume examine a broad range of issues in Gulf security. Security is a complex and subjective matter - the various perspectives in this volume combine to form a holistic view of a challenging and evolving topic.
The bitter confrontation between Saudi Arabia and Iran is not only stoking conflicts in Syria, Iraq and Yemen, but now threatens the stability, security and well-being of the whole Gulf region. All the major global powers have significant interests in this area, and the pursuit of these interests adds further layers of division and conflict.
This book goes to the heart of this issue, examining the critical modalities whereby the 'Gulf Cold War' can be brought to an end. What is needed, the contributors argue, is the creation of a security community among the states of the Gulf. The processes through which this could be achieved are carefully examined.
All those interested in the future and well-being of the Gulf region should give consideration to the perspectives advanced.
How the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) relates to BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) is, in the light of the growing strength and importance of this organisation and the countries which comprise it, of critical importance. The GCC countries have fast-growing economies, and they share some of the attributes and concerns of BRICS countries.
The issue is not simply how the GCC countries handle their relations with the individual BRICS countries, but more importantly how they relate to an alternative structure of coordination and perhaps power in the global order. Their established links and alliances may no longer be enough to satisfy either their economic needs or their security concerns.
The objective of this book is to examine the commonalities and the differences in economic and political interest between the BRICS countries and the GCC countries, so as to assess the potential for cooperation and collective action. Whether the GCC could itself become a part of BRICS is also worth consideration. While the focus is on the GCC, the GCC's relations with BRICS countries have been, and will continue to be, closely affected by the wider Gulf dimension - the state of their relations with Iran and Iraq, and the manner in which BRICS countries relate to those two countries.
Over the last half-century, the GCC states have invested on a huge scale in higher education, but the stated commitment to internationally recognized excellence has also to come to terms with tradition.
These pressure points are examined here in a number of comparative studies, and cover among other topics: higher education as soft power to promote regional or global influence, intense reliance on foreign instructors, citizen entitlements, badu and hadar divisions, gender separation, different visions of language of instruction, marginalization of foreign students and faculty outside work, branch campuses of foreign universities.
Despite efforts to train and employ nationals, the vast majority of health workers remain non-local, and major challenges remain in fields such as science and technology. Expenditure has not always led to the effective reform of underperforming educational systems, and institutions often fall short of their world-class aspirations.
The studies in this book explore ways of making institutions better realise the balance between global and local.
As governments across the GCC strive to implement labour policies which accelerate the transition to 'post oil' knowledge-based economies, this volume provides insights into the size of this challenge, along with analysis of progress to date.
With a comprehensive coverage of the region (each GCC member is included in some respect), this new work provides unique insights into how the domestic policy agenda is shifting the region's moribund labour markets inexorably towards greater productivity, positivity, sustainability and efficiency.
The unexpected decision of the British Government in January 1968 to withdraw its military and diplomatic protection from the Gulf catapulted the region into the limelight. For the following five decades the historian Dr. Frauke Heard-Bey was best placed to observe subsequent developments in the Gulf, having joined her husband David, a petroleum engineer, in Abu Dhabi in 1967.
Through her role over decades in the Centre for Documentation and Research (now the UAE's National Archive), Frauke Heard-Bey made use its archives about the Gulf, while taking every opportunity to travel in the area and immerse herself in the local environment.
The work covers a broad spectrum, including the formation of the UAE in 1971, the subsequent development of this federation, the first oil crisis and geopolitical repercussions, urbanisation, labour migration, electoral systems, trade, the changing way of life and its implications for traditional loyalties in the Gulf states and Oman.
The results of much of this work (which rely little on secondary sources) are collected in this volume, parts of which have been printed in hard-to access journals, while others are published here for the first time.
GCC-Iran relations are at the heart of important political dynamics in the Middle East today. This is not limited to the ongoing disputes in the Gulf, one of the most important strategic locations globally. Iran and the GCC states also find themselves on opposing sides in the Syrian and to some extent the Iraqi conflicts.
This volume traces the origins of the troubled relations between Iran and the majority of the GCC monarchies. It discusses not only geostrategic rivalries, but also matters of identity which have been of increased importance since 2010.
While important differences are noticeable among the GCC monarchies in regard to their willingness to engage Iran, the difficult relationship between Saudi Arabia and Iran puts a strain on the possibilities for engagement between Iran and the GCC as a whole.
The Arab states of the Gulf, currently heavily reliant on oil and gas exports, have stated their intention to promote economic diversification and have embarked on reforming existing institutions for higher education, scientific research, and technology innovation.
The region has witnessed huge population growth in recent decades, and in some cases (e.g., Saudi Arabia) almost half the population is under the age of twenty-five and in need of access to quality education and meaningful employment opportunities.
This book provides an in-depth discussion of what is needed to accelerate the development of science, technology and innovation in the Gulf. Among other issues, the authors discuss the need for regional collaboration, and tackle systemic challenges such as immigration policies, career incentives for GCC citizens, and increased inclusion of women in the workforce.
Diversification is the principal economic objective for the Gulf States. The steep and sustained fall in oil prices over the last few years has added to the collective urgency to seek new sources of revenue. As such, the overriding theme of regional economic summits in recent years has focused on the question, 'how do we transition to a knowledge-based economy?'
This is the central question taken up by the contributors to this volume. A growing body of literature has begun to address how state policy in conjunction with universities, think tanks, and businesses can create the groundwork to support knowledge-intensive industries. But, so far, comparatively little work has been done on the potential of this matrix of policies to succeed in the current political and economic context of the GCC.
This volume assesses current policies designed to engender knowledge-based economies in the region and analyzes how a diverse array of actors, including government agencies, national and transnational businesses, universities, and individuals coordinate and mediate the transmission of knowledge to support knowledge-intensive industries.
What are the ideological motives behind Iran's foreign policy? This new study examines Tehran's twin desires to protect national interests and to project real power.
Factors determining Iran's foreign policy include: Potential economic leader of the Middle East Region; Key player in the oil and gas market; Centre of resistance against global Western domination; US and Israel policy; and Syria as the bridge to Lebanon and Palestine.
There is a strong focus on primary sources, as well as interviews with EU, Russian and Middle East experts, supported by field trips to Iran, Turkey and GCC countries. Political, economic, religious and cultural aspects of Iran's influence abroad are covered. The final chapter covers most recent events and implications of Trump's rejection of the JCPOA.
Yemen is the only state on the Arabian Peninsula that is not a member of the GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council). It is also the only local state not ruled by a royal family. Relations between Yemen and the GCC states go back for centuries with some tribes in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman tracing genealogy back to ancient Yemen.
In this timely volume six scholars analyze Yemen's relations with Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Oman and Iran with a focus on recent developments, including the conflict after the fall of Ali Abdullah Salih in Yemen.
The Gulf countries have adopted a unique combination of policies to encourage diversification with largely positive results, while there are significant distinctions between the individual cases. This work evaluates various examples to show the extent to which the Gulf economies have diversifed to date, and how results can be measured, taking into consideration factors such as composition of GDP or exports; government services; and the categorization of industrial activities downstream of resources extraction (oil refining, petrochemicals) and their availability (aluminium, phosphates, iron, steel, glass and other energy- and resource-intensive industries). This work brings together state-of-the-art analysis by international scholars who participated in a major joint initiative by the EU and the GCC, the al-Jisr Gulf-Europe Research Program.
Bond markets in the GCC countries are underdeveloped, and the capital mix is heavily skewed towards banks, while ambitious development plans in fields like petrochemicals and infrastructure, as well as a rapidly growing population, create an increased need for finance. This study outlines the structure of various segments of GCC financial markets and points to regulatory challenges and future developments, ranging from capital market structures to the planned GCC Monetary Union, Islamic banking, and sovereign wealth funds. The work brings together state-of-the-art analysis by international scholars who participated in a major joint initiative by the EU and the GCC, the al-Jisr Gulf-Europe Research Program.
Recommend this
Email your librarian or administrator to recommend adding this to your organisation's collection.