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The Russo-Ottoman War of 1877-78 was a pivotal event for the Ottoman Empire in various ways, but one of its defining characteristics is its association with the large-scale displacement of people. This article seeks to contribute to the history of migration and displacement in the late Ottoman Empire by exploring how Muslim refugees understood and narrated their experiences. Methodologically it underscores the use of narrative sources, such as memoirs and literary works. The aim is to examine displacement from the perspective of the refugees through sources reflecting their voices, rather than from the standpoint of state and administrative actors. The article focuses on an account of the Russo-Ottoman War of 1877-78 and subsequent flight (hicret) by Hüseyin Raci, a Muslim ʿalim, teacher, and poet from Eski Zağra, a city in the Balkans, while also drawing connections with other literary works penned by Muslim refugees.
Drawing on research conducted in Iran’s criminal justice system, the chapter explores the linkages between mercy in criminal justice and the increasingly global turn away from social justice movements based on logics of human rights and toward care-based appeals, such as humanitarianism. The latter is just one major arena of increased reliance on and appeals to care or “care work” over claims to inherent rights; others include charity, aid, and philanthropy. In Iran’s “victim-centered” criminal justice system, in homicide and other major crimes, the victims’ families possess a right of “exact” retribution. That is, victims’ immediate family members may exercise their right to have a perpetrator executed. In these cases, however, victims’ family members may also forgo retributive sentencing and forgive the perpetrator. A variety of interests – legal, social, religious, and even economic – shape the concerns of victims’ families as they consider whether to exercise the right of retribution by forgoing rather than executing it. While being merciful or seeking mercy may possess qualities associated with a “seasoning” of justice, the inclination toward mercy and merciful grants, such as granting pardons to persons convicted of crimes, is both a legitimation and entrenchment of an absolute sovereign over the judiciary or the legislative branch, as in Iran. As the chapter argues, this normalization of the resort to mercy has the capacity to reduce everyone in society to a potential supplicant with broader implications for the quest for social justice and legal reckoning.
European asylum policy still has a long way to go to better address protection challenges. This paper presents data and visualizations that should help improve responsibility-sharing and solidarity between states. We developed an interactive cartographic tool to map the distribution of refugees in Europe. Besides the observed geographic distribution of asylum seekers and beneficiaries of the temporary protection status, our tool allows for the calculation of a theoretical distribution between countries based on different criteria. The tool is an interactive visualization created with the software “Tableau Desktop.” The original data was collected from Eurostat and the World Bank, before being processed by the research team with the Extract Transform Load (ETL) utility “Tableau Prep” and made available through the Tableau Desktop application. The actual number of asylum applications lodged in country A can thus be compared with the number that would be proportional to that country’s population within Europe in combination with three other criteria. Maps of observed and theoretical reallocations can thus be produced based on population size, area, unemployment rate, economic prosperity or a mix of these factors. The number of refugees received is represented by a red semicircle while the “equitable” number in proportion to given criteria is represented by a grey semicircle. Our database not only allows geographical analysis of the drivers of refugee distribution in Europe, but it also provides the population and policymakers with a solid basis for discussing responsibility-sharing schemes, such as those envisaged in the new EU Asylum Pact of 2024.
Refugee youth are at high risk for trauma-related disorders – outcomes not only the result of pre-migration trauma, but consequences of diverse post-migration stressors. This study identified individual, parental, and environmental factors – some potentially modifiable – associated with trajectories of psychological risk and resilience in 291 Syrian and Iraqi refugee youth during resettlement in the U.S. Data was collected at arrival and at two follow-up visits up to 7 years post-arrival. Linear mixed modeling assessed predictors of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), anxiety, and depression trajectories. Victimization trauma (i.e., assault) and lower maternal subjective social status predicted more severe PTSD (p = .046, f2 = .07; p < .001, f2 = .23) and anxiety (p = .008, f2 = .05; p = .002, f2 = .11) trajectories in youth. Paternal unemployment predicted less stable PTSD (p = .009, f2 = .13) and anxiety (p < .001, f2 = .10) trajectories. More severe depression trajectories were associated with female sex (p = .045, f2 = .06) and death threat traumas (p = .014, f2 = .07). Findings identified predictors of long-term risk and resilience for refugee youth, as well as potentially modifiable ecological risk factors. Victimization and death threat trauma exposure could be salient in identifying youth at high risk for trauma-related symptoms early in resettlement. Indicators of financial security were also associated with symptoms, suggesting environmental intervention targets.
How should the responsibility for refugees be distributed among states? While scholars have proposed various sources of responsibility to make the distribution more equitable, they have not provided guidance on how to weigh each principle within a composite scheme. This is an important problem to resolve because the principles often implicate different actors, resulting in distinct distributions of responsibility. Moreover, states are particularly able to obfuscate their level of responsibility when multiple principles exist. To remedy this problem, I specify the range of possible solutions to the weighting problem, based on the principles of liability, community, and capacity. This argument identifies the relative importance of each principle based on the stated goals of a particular framework. These goals include whether the scheme is intended to operate under ideal or non-ideal assumptions, or if it intends to optimize state or refugee interests. By focusing on how to weigh various sources of responsibility, this paper paves the way for scholars to develop determinate schemes that can identify each state’s fair share in contexts where multiple principles apply.
Understanding and responding to patient expectations is crucial for providing high-quality, person-centred mental healthcare, but remains underexplored in humanitarian settings. This study examines the preferences and experiences of Syrian mental health and psychosocial support (MHPSS) service users in Northwest Syria and Türkiye. We conducted structured interviews with 378 displaced Syrians (55% female, mean age: 31 years). Participants completed the Client Satisfaction Questionnaire-8 and responded to nine open-ended questions. An abductive qualitative content analysis guided by the World Health Organization’s health system responsiveness framework was used to interpret their accounts. Participants most frequently described the importance of time and understanding (62%), dignity (43%), confidentiality (36%) and continuity of care (31%), with notable variation by gender. Interpersonal aspects of care were crucial for building trust and sustaining service engagement. Service-level factors, such as adequate time with practitioners and integrated and coordinated care, ensured high-quality support in a context of ongoing conflict, displacement and poverty. These findings underscore the importance of embedding person-centred approaches in MHPSS service design and delivery. As efforts to rebuild Syria’s health system begin, prioritising service user experiences could improve the quality of care and restore health system trust and legitimacy.
One distinctive feature of the Peloponnesian War is the intimacy of its violence. The war is characterised by the sacking of cities, civil war and the impoverished existence of vulnerable communities living their lives as refugees in exile. In every other recorded conflict, this is a recipe that leads to high rates of sexual violence against women and children. Yet our historical sources are almost entirely silent about the occurrence of such abuse. This chapter explores the implications of the premise that there was a significant rate of unrecorded sexual violence during the Peloponnesian War. It details all the various circumstances in which such abuse was likely to occur and draws upon comparative material from other conflicts to show the strong likelihood of sexual violence. It also explores ways in which the topic of sexual abuse was addressed indirectly in art and drama through the metaphor of the sacking of Troy and the sexual violation of women in myth. The messages of these cultural products gain greater resonance and vitality when placed against a backdrop in which sexual violation is a regular occurrence as part of the nature of war.
The international solidarity principle is a crucial legal norm of international society. It helps guide state conduct and facilitate cooperation among international actors to respond to global challenges and uphold human rights. The European Union (EU) and its Member States have argued that their bilateral agreements with non-EU countries to prevent irregular migration to Europe is a demonstration of international solidarity that fulfils their obligations to asylum seekers and refugees. However, the EU’s interpretation of international solidarity in these arrangements has been contested. This article argues that the EU has strategically interpreted the international solidarity principle to fit in with, and complement, its migration deterrence policy framework. It posits that the EU’s interpretation abuses the international solidarity principle as it aims to separate the solidarity principle from the realisation of human rights, thereby hurting, instead of benefitting, asylum seekers and refugees. This article makes an important contribution to understanding how the solidarity principle is interpreted between EU and non-EU partners, and the intimate connection between solidarity and the realisation of human rights. More importantly, it demonstrates how the interpretation and evasion of the international solidarity principle has been shaped by, and shaped to fit, the EU’s migration externalisation policy framework.
Over 1% of the world’s population have been forcibly displaced. Asylum seekers and refugees (ASR) are at higher risk of serious mental illnesses. Despite a high need for care, little is known about the attitudes, knowledge and competencies of psychiatrists who may treat ASR subjects.
Aims
The study aimed to identify perceived gaps in psychiatric training that could help guide medical education and policymaking related to treating ASR mental health.
Method
We conducted the first national survey of UK-based psychiatrists to assess attitudes, knowledge and competencies around treating ASR subjects. The online survey was sent to all psychiatrists (N = 18 182) and registered trainees (N = 4700) on the Royal College of Psychiatrists databases in 2022. We used exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses to identify the optimal factor structure underlying the questionnaire. Variations in scores on extracted latent constructs by sociodemographic and clinical variables were explored using linear regression.
Results
Data from 609 psychiatrists (77%) and trainees (22%) were included in the final analysis. We identified four latent constructs concerning perceived knowledge, positive attitudes, negative attitudes and perceived distress. Only 42% of respondents felt they had sufficient knowledge to work competently with ASR subjects, and 34.7% found the work emotionally distressing. Greater knowledge predicted both more positive (β = 0.26, 95% CI: 0.20–0.33) and more negative (β = 0.17, 95% CI: 0.09–0.26) attitudes, and was associated with less self-reported distress among psychiatrists (β = –0.34, 95% CI: –0.43 to –0.21). Female psychiatrists reported more distress related to treating ASR subjects (β = 0.29, 95% CI: 0.14–0.44).
Conclusions
Less than half of psychiatrists in this survey believed they possessed adequate knowledge to treat ASR subjects, and some found working with such individuals distressing. Our results suggest that these issues could be mitigated by improving knowledge related to treating ASR subjects.
Tarai was a landmass running along an east-west axis just to the south of the Himalayan ranges and was a part of Himalayan Kumaun ecology. At the stroke of independence, the colonialists had made plans to clear the Tarai and settle it with Indian soldiers returning from World War II. The task of actual clearing fell on the sovereign Indian government as the pressure to settle refugees piled on top of the plan to settle soldiers. With the nation struggling to meet its food requirements a new vision was born to turn the Tarai into a “granary” for the province. Under these contingencies, the Tarai became a landmass wherein new settlers were encouraged to perfect the art of productive agriculture. The post-colonial developmentalist state set up a model state farm to propagate such practices. To the outside developer and modernizer, Tarai came across as empty though, in fact, it was inhabited by a limited number of hill communities and villages. As Tarai was turned into a farming land with settlers from beyond, a local democratic movement for autonomy erupted in the region that called into question the method of land settlement and transformation.
Refugee mothers represent a significant proportion of the migrant population worldwide. Their resilience has important implications for their health and the positive adjustment of their family units. However, refugee mothers have received little attention in research.
Aims
This review provides an overview of factors that may promote or hinder resilience among refugee mothers and a foundation for identifying potential targets for clinical and policy interventions.
Method
A scoping review was conducted according to the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses Extension for Scoping Reviews (PRISMA-ScR) reporting guidelines, using pre-defined criteria and a relevant search strategy on four databases: Web of Science Core Collection, APA PsycINFO, Ovid Medline, and Ovid Embase Classic+Embase. Study characteristics and data on resilience promotion and hindrance factors were extracted, and results were narratively synthesised.
Results
Five articles met our inclusion criteria. Four studies described resilience promotion factors, and two studies described resilience hindrance factors. External (social or instrumental, community or professional, economic, and cultural) and internal (individual or psychological, and spiritual or religious) resilience resources were perceived as important for building resilience among refugee mothers.
Conclusions
The most recurrent resilience promotion factors related to possessing strong social networks and instrumental support, while the most recurrent resilience hindrance factors related to community and professional stressors, such as accessing healthcare. These findings serve as a first step towards identifying potential clinical and policy intervention targets to strengthen resilience in refugee mothers – a vulnerable and currently under-studied population. This review can provide a guide for policymakers, health professionals, refugee charities and local communities in prioritising the efforts to address refugee mothers’ needs.
This study addresses the mental health needs of refugees and migrants in the Netherlands, highlighting the urgent public health challenges they face. Unique psychosocial hurdles, exacerbated by cultural dislocation, language barriers and systemic inequalities, hinder their access to quality mental healthcare. This study explores how coloniality intersects with mental healthcare access, using a decolonial framework to challenge stereotypes and assumptions that marginalize migrant voices. Through semi-structured interviews with migrants and language service providers, this research reveals the complexities of navigating the mental healthcare system. Findings reveal that temporality, professionalism and language barriers are key issues in migrants’ mental healthcare journeys. We advocate for systemic changes that prioritize migrant perspectives. Ultimately, this study aims to inform policy and practice to enhance mental health services for migrant populations in the Netherlands and contribute to the broader dialogue on decolonization in mental health.
This chapter examines the period around independence in Rwanda and Kivu. The 1950s saw the maturation and increasing salience of “national” and “ethnic” aspects of people’s identities as they became central to political discussions over “autochthony” and access to resources. Changing political contexts made the ground more fertile for “ethnic,” as well as “national” identity to become part of the political vernacular.
For Rwanda, it focuses on the refugee waves that were the result of political violence against Tutsi in the period between 1959 and 1964. It shows that focusing too narrowly on the forced nature of their mobility disguises previous connections that were conducive to helping Tutsi refugees establish themselves in Congo. The chapter thus reiterates the importance of looking at people’s “personal information fields” as well as other preexisting affective or other ties in understanding the patterns of their mobility. For Kivu, the chapter tries to explore what other fault lines become visible when one shifts the attention away from “identity” as the sole explanation for violent conflicts, such as the “Kanyarwanda wars” in the 1960s.
A last point this chapter makes is the changing meanings of the border between Rwanda and Congo, for people living in its vicinity as well as for the Belgian administration. Whereas the Belgians had always benefited from the close connections between Kivu and Rwanda, this changed almost overnight in 1960 when Congo became independent. Both Rwandans and Congolese had used cross-border connections to build political networks and to organize out of the reach of the colonial state and traditional authorities. After Congo’s independence, the loss of control over subversive activities just across the border caused anxieties for the Belgians in Rwanda. For Congolese and Rwandans, independence turned the border into a national boundary, separating Rwandan from Congolese political sovereignty as well as altering the sense of national belonging.
Chapter 7 explores some ways in which metaphors trauma shape the experience of the self and temporality through examples from refugees and Holocaust survivors. A key function of narrative is organizing the experience of time. Narratives of the self have consequences for the experience time. The discussion distinguishes two meta-narratives of the self in terms of their implicit root metaphors and associated temporalities: the adamantine self, characterized by endurance, integrity, coherence, autonomy, self-definition, self-determination, and self-control; and the relational self, characterized by flexibility, fluidity, sensitivity to context, multivocality, interdependence, and responsiveness. These models of the self are associated with different ideologies and forms of social life that shape trauma memory and experience. They also influence the ways that trauma experience is narrated through personal and collective stories. This occurs in settings that require an attentive listener. The ethics of storytelling has an essential counterpart in the ethics of listening, which involves particular forms of temporality and ways of participating in a cultural community.
This article examines the Canada-United States Safe Third Country Agreement (STCA) in relation to a growing literature on bureaucrats’ role in immigration policy making, while challenging interpretations of the agreement as a “Europeanization” of Canadian policy. Canada is a prototypical liberal “migration state” that balances economic considerations, national security, rights and broader cultural concerns through its immigration regime. We open the “black box” of the state to examine how bureaucratic decision making informed the development of Canada’s asylum system. Drawing on interviews, archival materials and government documents, we show bureaucrats simultaneously sought to manage asylum backlogs and ensure compliance with international obligations while countering advocacy group opposition. The STCA reflects a uniquely Canadian approach to balancing competing imperatives in refugee policy, highlighting the role of bureaucrats in shaping immigration policy within domestic and international constraints. This research contributes to understanding the historical development of migration control policies in liberal democracies.
Organizations often face moral dilemmas. For example, in 2004 the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) needed to decide whether to help refugees in enclosed camps in Pakistan repatriate to Afghanistan. On the one hand, helping with repatriation might have made UNHCR complicit in forced returns, as refugees sought to repatriate just to avoid life without freedom in Pakistan. On the other hand, refusing to help with repatriation would leave refugees stranded in camps: perhaps repatriation was the best option if this was what refugees wanted. When organizations face this and other dilemmas, it is not clear how they should proceed. In other words, it is unclear which policy they should pursue when all feasible policies seem wrong. Some might think that, at least for hard dilemmas, every choice is just wrong, and so no choice is right. But that is not quite true. Even difficult dilemmas can be resolved using certain methods. One method is to ask those affected by potential policies what they think the most justifiable policy is. A second method is to choose what to do randomly. Randomly selecting a course of action can sometimes be the fairest way of determining what to do when every option seems wrong.
Syrian refugees in Türkiye show a high prevalence of mental health problems but encounter barriers to accessing mental health services. Group Problem Management Plus (gPM+), developed by the World Health Organization, is a low-intensity psychological intervention delivered by nonspecialist facilitators. This qualitative process evaluation explores the acceptability, feasibility and perceived effectiveness of gPM+ for Syrian refugees resettled in Türkiye, as well as facilitating factors and barriers to its implementation. Twenty-three semi-structured interviews were conducted with gPM+ participants, facilitators, drop-outs, relatives of participants and key informants. Findings showed that gPM+ was well-received for its group-based format, which participants felt fostered social support, and for its content, which they reported may have led to improvements in coping skills and family relationships. Facilitators viewed the intervention as feasible to implement. However, barriers such as participants’ economic struggles, practical challenges (e.g., childcare and transportation difficulties) and low mental health literacy impeded engagement. Adapting gPM+ to address social determinants like poverty may be beneficial. The need for booster sessions was emphasized to maintain long-term change and provide deeper learning of the strategies. For sustainable scaling up gPM+ within primary health care, key informants highlighted the importance of training and supervising nonprofessional facilitators and securing governmental support.
Chapter 2 considers how Italian emigrants navigated the arrival of war during the period of Italian neutrality from August 1914 to May 1915. The immediate effects of the war in 1914 were felt most amongst those in Germany, Austria-Hungary, Belgium and France, many of whom suddenly lost their jobs. Not content to remain unemployed and risk living in a war zone, a mass exodus to Italy began. By October 1914, half a million Italian emigrants had returned to Italy from across Europe. They faced grave difficulties upon arrival, primarily in finding employment, leading to instances of serious public unrest. The chapter also considers the experiences of the 3,000 garibaldini, Italian volunteers in the French Army, half of whom were Italian emigrants already living in France and half of whom were volunteers from Italy and elsewhere, including six of Giuseppe Garibaldi’s grandsons. Finally, the chapter analyses the immediate response of Italian emigrant communities to Italy’s declaration of war against Austria-Hungary on 23 May 1915 and entry into the war alongside Britain, France and Russia.
Embodied movement within and across national borders has been increasing. Prompted by intensifying local–global unsettling, it has led to a series of tensions concerning the way even the most supposedly cosmopolitan of countries now treat the refugees and migrants. Those who seek refuge have become a problem. In this conflict-ridden world in which the displacement has become endemic – and in this mediated world where the hope of finding a better place to live is held out as part of the dominant global imaginary – countries across the globe are now attempting to manage the global flow of non-citizens. Here the visceral immediacy of human needs and hopes is confronted by the abstracting machinery of state surveillance and management. This chapter explores the tensions between the continuing embodied movement of those who seek refuge and the intensifying abstraction of state engagement with those persons. The chapter takes three liberal democracies as its focus – Australia, Canada, and the United States. These are settler colonial countries which we might expect to be cosmopolitan and welcoming. The history of refugee reception is, however, a movement away from that sensibility.