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This chapter ties together our theory and analyses to draw general conclusions and to chart the path for future research. We discuss the implications of our findings for the broad set of research areas we engage, including theories of judicial independence, models of executive unilateral action, and the relationship between the rule of law and democratic entrenchment. We highlight strengths and weaknesses of our findings and research design and suggest paths for other scholars to move this research forward. We see many additional opportunities to interrogate our theory and its implications in other places, on other issues, and in other settings to facilitate a broader understanding of when and how courts are efficacious.
Even where a public consensus exists about the appropriate bounds of constitutional action, citizens’ capacity to punish executive overreach is not guaranteed. People often lack information about possible constitutional transgressions, and imposing meaningful political penalties for overreach requires coordinated action among citizens. We argue that courts are key to overcoming these obstacles: under the right conditions, courts, through the use of judicial review, are uniquely positioned to alert the public of constitutional transgressions and thereby transform the public’s support for the rule of law into a guardrail against executive overreach. We suggest judicial independence enhances the ability of courts to signal that an executive has gone too far. By contrast, courts with low levels of judicial independence are impotent: their decisions are not credible enough to affect citizens’ attitudes. We also expect the rulings of independent courts to be most effective among citizens who have a high level of support for the rule of law and to persist even in the face of stark partisan polarization.
We open the book by discussing the rise of constitutional courts and judicial review, emphasizing their stated responsibility as guardians of the constitutional system. We discuss existing theories of judicial power and independence, highlighting the concept of judicial efficacy: the ability of courts to create political penalties for elites who fail to abide by the constitutional limits on their authority. We discuss different types of penalties courts might levy and explain why attitudinal costs – particularly a loss of public support – represent the cornerstone of judicial efficacy. We then provide a summary of our argument, contrasting our theory of judicial efficacy with existing accounts of judicial power and impact. The chapter concludes with a roadmap for the rest of the book and a summary of our key findings.
Over the past century, countries around the globe have empowered constitutional courts to safeguard the rule of law. But when can courts effectively perform this vital task? Drawing upon a series of survey experiments fielded in the United States, Germany, Hungary, and Poland, this book demonstrates that judicial independence is critical for judicial efficacy. Independent courts can empower citizens to punish executives who flout the bounds of constitutional rule; weak courts are unable to generate public costs for transgressing the law. Although judicial efficacy is neither universal nor automatic, courts – so long as they are viewed by the public as independent – can provide an effective check on executives and promote the rule of law.
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