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The signals and consequences of, and currently overall eco-socio-cultural inadequate responses to, the pressing climate and biodiversity crises of the Anthropocene foster a landscape of repression, hopelessness and anxiety among many, not least young people. As young people today seem to primarily encounter dystopian future narratives, this article tells a story about how playing an open-ended, solarpunk, character-driven cli-fi tabletop roleplaying game together with young people might nurture non-dystopic engagements. Designed as both a research and educational playspace, the game invites participants to become co-researchers and co-narrators engaged in imagining life-friendly futures, attempting to push the boundaries of environmental and sustainability education research. In conversation with the theoretical inspirations of the game — post-Anthropocene pedagogy, climate literacy research and SF multispecies storytelling — the article discusses insights from the first prototype playtests. When the game flows, it produces engagements with speculative futures and understandings of hope’s relational and complex character. When it halts, it reveals challenges around participation, social context and setting, pointing to directions for further research and game alterations.
Recent crises have raised concerns about intergenerational fairness and conflict and claims that older generations imperil the future of young people. These arguments may reflect the political intolerance towards older adults: political ageism. Why and which kinds of young people are more likely to adhere to such views is still uncertain. Prior studies refer to the importance of perceived threats and authoritarian values. We introduce an interaction effect, suggesting that perceived threats temper the impact of authoritarian values on intergenerational blame attribution and discriminatory views against older individuals’ political rights. The analysis of survey data from nine European countries, focusing on respondents aged 18–34, reveals that perceived economic threat rarely relates to increased ageism. Young individuals with authoritarian values are likelier to attribute intergenerational blame and hold politically ageist views. In Sweden and the UK, however, the effect of authoritarian values diminishes when young people perceive economic threats.
Improving Access to Psychological Therapies (IAPT), an NHS England service providing talking therapies, is meeting its target recovery rate of 50%. However, engagement in treatment, as well as recovery rates, may be lower for some groups.
Aims
To assess variation in treatment completion and recovery rates by demographic and socioeconomic group and to describe rates of further referrals for patients to IAPT and secondary mental health services.
Method
Using 121 548 administrative records for 2019–2020 and 2022–2023 for the Norfolk and Waveney area, we estimated associations of age, gender, ethnicity and deprivation with the likelihood of treatment completion and recovery using logistic regression modelling. We also described rates of further referrals.
Results
Younger people and those living in deprived areas were less likely to recover or complete treatment, with those aged 16–17 years (n = 735) having the lowest adjusted odds for recovery (adjusted odds ratio = 0.5, 95% CI: 0.5–0.6) compared with those aged 36–70 years, and those aged 18–24 years (n = 23 563) having the lowest rate of completion (adjusted odds ratio = 0.5, 95% CI: 0.5–0.6). Further referrals before April 2022 were recorded for 45.4% of 6513 patients who had completed treatment and 68.8% of 9469 who had not completed treatment, and for 39.4% of 2007 recovered patients in 2019–2020 and 53.1% of 1586 who had not recovered. Non-completers had relatively more further referrals to secondary mental health services compared with completers (43.6% v. 22.8%; P < 0.01).
Conclusions
Younger people and those living in deprived areas have lower recovery and completion rates. Those who have completed treatment and not recovered have higher rates of further referrals.
Climate change is exacerbating the frequency and severity of disasters across Africa, with profound psychological consequences for young people. This paper examines the mental health impacts of climate-related events like droughts, floods and extreme weather on African youth. It explores how climate stresses compound existing societal issues, affecting young people’s well-being. Studies highlighted indicate events strongly associated with negative emotions, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and depression among youth. Vulnerabilities are due to disrupted community contexts and limited support systems. Challenges in providing adequate care are also reviewed, with African health systems grappling with a shortage of professionals and inadequate youth-focused care. This article proposes solutions centred on integrated disaster response, community resilience programmes and specialised youth services. Recommendations involve prioritising mental health education, establishing accessible services and collaborating with local partners. The overall aim is to comprehensively address African youth mental health needs in climate-changing contexts through holistic multi-stakeholder approaches, building coping skills and promoting wellness.
User engagement is recognised as a critical and pervasive challenge that has limited the potential evidence base being developed for mental health apps.
Aim
To understand young people’s motivations for participating in a randomised controlled trial for a mental health app and the role of intrinsic (e.g. improving well-being) and extrinsic (e.g. financial incentives) drivers in engagement.
Method
Emotional Competence for Well-Being (ECoWeB) was a superiority parallel three-arm randomised cohort trial recruiting a cohort of 16–22 year-olds across the UK, Germany, Spain and Belgium, who, depending on risk, were allocated respectively to the PREVENT (n = 1262) versus PROMOTE (n = 2532) trials. We conducted in-depth semi-structured interviews in the UK (n = 18, mean age = 17.7, s.d. = 1.5) and Spain (n = 11, mean age 20.6, s.d. = 1.7) to explore participants’ self-reported motivations and engagement. The trial was registered at ClinicalTrials.gov: NCT04148508.
Results
Across arms, 21% of participants never set up an account to access the app and approximately 50% did not complete the 3-month follow-up assessment. Engagement was not significantly higher in the intervention arm compared to the control arms across metrics. Qualitative findings demonstrated that although extrinsic factors alone may be enough to prompt someone to sign up to research, intrinsic drivers (e.g. finding the app useful) are needed to ensure longer-term engagement.
Conclusions
Incentivising participation in clinical trials needs to be consistent with incentives that might be utilised at the point of dissemination and implementation to ensure that findings are replicated if that intervention is adopted at scale.
Improved understanding of the cognitive and behavioural processes underpinning panic disorder (PD) in adolescents could improve identification and treatment.
Aims:
We investigated whether the processes outlined in Clark’s (1986) cognitive model of PD are observed in adolescents with PD, are specific to PD, and predict symptom severity.
Method:
We recruited three groups of adolescents (12–17 years): 34 with a PD diagnosis, 33 with another anxiety disorder excluding PD (‘clinical control’), and 34 scoring below the clinical cut-off on a measure of anxiety symptoms (‘community control’). Participants self-reported on measures of PD symptom severity, catastrophic cognitions, bodily sensation fear, and safety-seeking behaviours.
Results:
The PD group reported significantly higher levels of catastrophic cognitions and safety-seeking behaviours than both control groups. They reported significantly higher levels of bodily sensation fear compared with the community but not the clinical control group. All process measures positively predicted PD symptom severity across all groups.
Conclusions:
We found evidence of catastrophic cognitions and safety-seeking behaviours as PD-specific processes in adolescents which predict symptom severity. Bodily sensation fear also predicted symptom severity. Findings support Clark’s cognitive model of PD in adolescents and suggest that catastrophic cognitions and safety behaviours may be targets for adolescent PD treatment.
Drug use is common. It is estimated that one in ten people in the UK have tried an illegal psychoactive drug in the last year.
Young people use more drugs than any other age group, many by their mid-teens.
Cannabis is the most commonly used illegal psychoactive drug.
People use psychoactive drugs to change the way they feel.
Psychoactive drug use can result in new feelings that would otherwise be hard to experience, or take away unwanted feelings. To feel good, or stop feeling bad.
Sometimes psychoactive drugs are used for social gain, bringing a sense of belonging and identity.
As we will see in Chapter 11, some people experience mental health problems which increase their risk of using drugs
The UK has two drug laws, the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971 and the Psychoactive Substances Act 2016. These laws place all psychoactive drugs under control and rank some drugs according to their potential to cause harm.
The UK drug laws make it an offence to produce, supply, import or export and, in some cases, possess a psychoactive drug.
Violence can happen everywhere in the lives of young people with cognitive disability. Young people with cognitive disability, family members, and workers talk about what needs to change. Services need to work together to help young people with cognitive disability. Others need to know about and respect the culture of young people with cognitive disability. Others need to respect young people’s choices on whom they want to love. Young people with cognitive disability can be helped to understand what is violence. Services can change what they do so that they can keep young people with cognitive disability safe. Young people with cognitive disability say that there should be ‘nothing about us unless it is led by us’.
This chapter explains what this book is about. Becoming an adult is different for everybody. Young people with cognitive disability can find it hard to get the right supports to become an adult. Many young people can experience violence and abuse. This book tells the stories of young people with cognitive disability from different backgrounds. Family members and practitioners also talk about stories of young people with cognitive disability.
This chapter looks at the Department of Child Safety and the criminal justice system. Child Safety often didn’t understand that a young person had a cognitive disability. Sometimes young people with cognitive disability were abused while they were in Child Safety. Young people with cognitive disability often did not get much help when they left Child Safety. Parents with cognitive disability often had their children removed from them by Child Safety. Some young people were abused by police. Young people with cognitive disability who went to prison didn’t get much help. They also found it hard when they left prison.
Young people with cognitive disability found school to be both good and bad. Things were good when young people had friends and when teachers listened and tried to help. Things were bad when the school wanted young people with cognitive disability to be like everyone else. Young people could be punished or neglected if they didn’t fit in with everyone else. Leaving school could be hard. Young people with cognitive disability often didn’t have a job or university to go to. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities says that all people with disability have a right to a good education, and that people should be supported to get a job or to learn more after school.
This chapter explains how the researchers talked to young people with cognitive disability, their families, and practitioners. The researchers included people with disability on the research team. The researchers wanted to know what was happening for young people with cognitive disability. They wanted to know about the world in which young people with cognitive disability lived. There was much to be learnt about working well with people with disability in research. It’s important that people with cognitive disability have a voice in the research that is about them.
This chapter explores what we know about violence against young people with cognitive disability. It looks at what can make it more likely that young people with cognitive disability are abused. It’s hard to really know how many young people with cognitive disability have experienced violence. Young people with cognitive disability can be harmed by workers, family, or friends who are meant to help them. Abuse can happen in many places. Services and society need to learn how to keep young people with cognitive disability safe. We need to make sure young people can make decisions for themselves.
Young people with cognitive disability deserve to live in a home of their choice. They also deserve to get help when they feel mentally unwell. This chapter looks at where young people with cognitive people live. Many young people felt unsafe where they lived. Some young people needed mental health services. It could be hard to trust mental health staff. Mental health services were good when staff really wanted to help and listened to the young person. Young people with cognitive disability should be helped to make their own decisions.
Family, friends, partners, and pets can help young people with cognitive disability as they become adults. Some young people with cognitive disability had families who spoke up for them and helped them when times were hard. Some young people with cognitive disability had partners who helped them feel good about themselves. Friends could help young people with cognitive disability leave abusive situations. Professionals can do more to help young people with cognitive disability make friends and be part of their community.
Young people with cognitive disability, families, and practitioners reported many acts of violence against young people. The violence included physical abuse, sexual assault/abuse, neglect, exploitation, emotional and psychological abuse, and domestic and family violence. Young people were abused by other young people with disability, family members, partners, practitioners, and services. Young people in this book found the strength to speak up and tell their stories of violence.
This chapter tells Amethyst’s story. Amethyst is an Aboriginal and South Sea Islander young woman with cognitive disability. Amethyst is not her real name. Amethyst was abused many times as a child and a young adult. Her story can tell us a lot about what needs to change for young people with cognitive disability. We need to understand that abuse affects a person’s whole life, their family, and their world.
Becoming an adult involved lots of changes and challenges for young people with cognitive disability. Many services, and sometimes families, judged young people badly because they had a cognitive disability. Young people needed help to be independent, but this wasn’t always given to them. Some young people were lonely and found so-called friends who abused them. Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander young people and young people from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds needed others to understand and respect their culture. LQBTIQA+ young people wanted love and acceptance as they became adults.
This chapter looks at services and focuses on the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS). Services don’t always recognise what young people with cognitive disability can do. They can neglect young people with cognitive disability. This can lead to violence and abuse of the young person. This chapter looks at how young people with cognitive disability found support from NDIS agencies. Young people with cognitive disability had trouble getting onto the NDIS. Professionals, families, and young people needed to fight to make sure supports were helpful. The NDIS must get better for all people with disability.
Young people with childhood adversity (CA) were at increased risk to experience mental health problems during the COVID-19 pandemic. Pre-pandemic research identified high-quality friendship support as a protective factor that can buffer against the emergence of mental health problems in young people with CA. This longitudinal study investigated friendship buffering effects on mental health symptoms before and at three timepoints during the pandemic in 102 young people (aged 16–26) with low to moderate CA. Multilevel analyses revealed a continuous increase in depression symptoms following the outbreak. Friendship quality was perceived as elevated during lockdowns and returned to pre-pandemic baseline levels during reopening. A stress-sensitizing effect of CA on social functioning was evident, as social thinning occurred following the outbreak. Bivariate latent change score modeling revealed that before and during the pandemic, young people with greater friendship quality self-reported lower depression symptoms and vice versa. Furthermore, sequential mediation analysis showed that high-quality friendships before the pandemic buffered depression symptoms during the pandemic through reducing perceived stress. These findings highlight the importance of fostering stable and supportive friendships in young people with CA and suggest that through reducing stress perceptions high-quality friendships can mitigate mental health problems during times of multidimensional stress.