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Chapter 1 introduces the main issues raised in Labour Law and its social and economic significance in regulating workplace relations. The chapter introduces the principal sources of labour law in the UK, which include statutes, the common law and European law and the difficulties in securing compliance by employers with those laws. It describes the system of employment tribunals and ordinary courts where disputes are resolved. Finally the chapter introduces some contemporary themes concerning precarious work, work/life balance and human rights at work.
This chapter analyzes the role of peatland management in UK climate politics. It uses this case to develop a notion of “scope expansion” as a feature of the dynamic relation between stability and politicization over time in climate politics: policy regimes designed to ensure a stable environment for the pursuit of net zero end up identifying new objects of governance, generating new political dynamics around the preexisting political relations regarding that object. As the UK’s policy regime became more ambitious, one of these objects was peatland management, central to the pursuit of carbon dioxide removals in the UK context, and thus the “net” side of net zero. The chapter shows that peatlands have their own political dynamics, centered on questions of concentrated landownership, peat moor management for grouse shooting, and social movement campaigns for recreational access to peat moors. Attempts to manage peatlands for climate change policy, mostly through peat rewetting initiatives, encounter these existing political dynamics in ways that mostly limit the potential for rewetting and thus generate needs for repoliticization especially regarding landownership and grouse shooting.
In Chapter 11, Alan Howe, one of the leading figures in the history of British oracy education, offers a personal history of the implementation of oracy over the last four decades. His essay "From Elocution to Empowerment " starts with Andrew Wilkinson’s 1965 work, before discussing what he calls the five ages of oracy: the Prescriptive Age, Corrective Age, Expressive Age, Participative Age, and Reductive Era. Howe argues that these ages represent shifts in perception and emphasis, from correcting speech to celebrating natural language development and encouraging political engagement. By building carefully on this history, he makes the case that oracy can become a major force for empowerment and social change.
To address limited data on whole grain (WG) consumption in the UK, we investigated trends and socio-demographic patterns of WG consumption from the National Diet and Nutrition Survey from 2008/2012 to 2016/2019 and examined the relationship between WG and dietary intakes. We analysed 15 655 individuals aged ≥ 1·5 years who completed a 4-day food diary. WG consumption was quantified by estimating the WG content of individual foods using publicly available ingredient information. Survey-weighted mean WG consumption over time and by population sub-group was calculated. Survey-weighted trend tests and Wald tests were used. Total WG intake in the general population did not change from 2008/2012 to 2016/2019. WG from high-fibre cereals and bread declined by 16·2 % (11·1–9·3 g/d) and 19·4 % (12·4–10 g/d), respectively, while other cereals (e.g. rice/pasta) increased by 72·5 % (4·0–6·9 g/d), but contributed considerably less than other categories. In the most recent data (2016–2019), older adults (65+ years) had the highest energy-adjusted WG consumption, followed by children 1·5–3 years. Individuals with lower incomes, adolescents and current smokers consumed the least WG. Whole grain intake was associated with generally higher quality diets, specifically consuming more fibre, potassium, Ca, Fe, Mg, fruits/vegetables, pulses/nuts and oily fish and consuming less free sugars, total fat, saturated fat, Na and red/processed meat (Ptrend < 0·001 for all). Despite some dietary improvements in the UK, WG intake appears unchanged from 2008/2012 to 2016/2019.
The COVID-19 pandemic caused widespread disruption to early childhood education and care services worldwide, affecting children’s well-being and placing unprecedented caregiving burdens on families. This paper compares the childcare-related social policy responses in three countries representing distinct welfare regimes: South Korea (Productivist/East Asian), France (Conservative-Corporatist), and the UK (Liberal). Focusing on four key domains – ECEC services, family leave, work environment, and financial support – it examines how each country addressed childcare challenges during the pandemic. The findings show that, while some similarities emerged in responding to shared challenges, the policy responses diverged considerably. These differences were shaped not only by pandemic-specific health strategies but also by pre-existing welfare structures and childcare systems. France utilised its strong public infrastructure and introduced special childcare leave; Korea expanded temporary family leave and financial aid while relying heavily on informal care; and the UK prioritised employment protection with limited direct caregiving support. The study underscores the importance of institutional flexibility and multi-layered care systems in building crisis-resilient childcare policies.
Chapter 5 traces the dynamics of our argument about the causes and consequences of IO withdrawal with three qualitative case studies: the US’ withdrawal from the ILO from 1977–1980, Japan’s withdrawal from the IWC in 2019, and the UK’s withdrawal from the EU in 2020. The cases show how states often think of withdrawal as a negotiation tool and highlight states’ long-term striving for “better” institutional arrangements through other mechanisms of “voice” before exit. In each case, we use archival research and media sources to document that the desire for IO change prompted exit, that states used withdrawal threats for negotiation, and that negotiation prior to withdrawal happened but fell short of the state’s goals, leading to withdrawal. In the cases of the ILO and IWC, negotiation continued while the state was a non-member and led to its return in the case of the ILO. The case studies also underscore the effects of withdrawal: Each of the withdrawing states suffered negative reputational and cooperative consequences and sometimes material consequences from withdrawal. International actors chastised withdrawing states, and the withdrawers then engaged in rhetorical stigma management to try to lessen the impact.
From the perspective of the present, the economic development of preceding periods can seem linear and inevitable, guided into being by those who benefitted most from increasing commercialisation. Yet this majoritarian narrative belies the importance of the individual and the everyday, of adaptation and creativity. Here, the author explores the potential of a minoritarian approach to entrepreneurship, in understanding medieval economic development. In tracing pottery-exchange networks as a representation of commercial development, they argue that the entrepreneurial actions of institutions and potters generate insights into economic development that challenge linear narratives, framing it as a patchwork of sociomaterial relations.
Chapter 8 asks how various forms of regulatory brokerage (informal; with state-support; deregulation; international; and, global) are interrelated, and how they have emerged across time in the field of regenerative medicine. A distinction between opportunistic (profiting from discrepancies between jurisdictions to forge collaborations) and active forms of regulatory brokerage (involving activities directed at the creation of regulations) helps to show how awareness of regulation as capital has spread. Extending from individual science-entrepreneurs to larger organisations, including universities, companies, state institutions and international organisations, regulatory brokerage has become part of the entrepreneurial culture of science management. To remain competitive, countries strategically follow the regulatory reforms of competitors, culminating in a cascade of regulatory adjustments and accompanied by the proliferation of regulatory violence. National discussions on regulatory trends in regenerative medicine, suggest that, though differently expressed, competitive desire tends to be an important driver of regulatory reform. But, at the same time, in some countries trends emerge that do not centre on competitive desire but on solidarity and concern for care.
Both gender and ethnicity have received increasing scholarly attention in British elections. But surprisingly little is published on whether there is a gender gap among ethnic minority voters, although intersectional perspectives suggest that this matters a great deal. We analyse data from Understanding Society to test whether there is such a gender gap among the five main ethnic minority groups with high levels of electoral eligibility and participation. We show that there is a positive gender gap with women in Pakistani and Bangladeshi ethnic groups more likely to support Labour than the Conservatives, but that there is not a gender gap among other ethnic minority groups. We further show that these gender gaps do not change in magnitude when socio-economic characteristics or political attitudes are taken into account. Our results suggest that further work is needed to explain gender gaps in vote choice among ethnic minority voters in Britain.
Governments and regulatory agencies make policy through a range of instruments from soft-law guidelines and executive orders to executive rules with the force of law. Based on her book, Democracy and Executive Power, Susan Rose-Ackerman’s essay highlights the link between cross-country differences in rulemaking practices and underlying constitutional frameworks. Based on the US, the UK, Germany, and France, the chapter illustrates how these countries’ disparate constitutional structures help to explain their divergent rulemaking practices. She stresses the existence of policymaking accountability under the rulemaking provisions of the US APA and its absence from the other cases. Nevertheless, whatever the legal framework, the author argues that bureaucrats should take account of outside input as they implement statutory language to make policy choices. The organization of the executive branch should encourage public input and promote bureaucratic competence. Contemporary pressures may indeed be moving all of these countries toward more accountable procedures – not just to protect individual rights but also to enhance the democratic legitimacy of executive rulemaking.
Chapter 5 builds on the observational findings from the previous chapter to test the hypotheses using two survey experiments performed on a sample of British Labour voters. The first experiment manipulates the selective incentives available to members by changing the cost of joining. Not surprisingly, people are more interested in joining when fees are low. The second experiment manipulates the party’s instrumental incentives by stating members can (or cannot) select party leaders and parliamentary candidates, as well as attend events where they may formally participate in determining the party’s future policy direction. The findings support the hypotheses generated by Chapter 2’s formal model: decentralization increases membership, conditional on voter-party alignment.
Market failure, around credit provision, typically centres on adverse selection and moral hazard. We utilise a Diverse Economies Framework to distinguish between different types of lender (mainstream, alternative, and non-market) and neoclassical economic theory as an analytic framework to introduce three additional forms of market failure – diseconomies of small scale, externalities, and excess demand and oversupply. This suggests market failure in the UK sub-prime consumer credit market is more comprehensive than previously recognised, increases the argument for government intervention and points to four policy responses – public subsidies, patient capital, regulation, and taxation – to complement and supplement market responses. Without support, not-for-profit sub-prime lenders, such as Community Development Finance Institutions, will continue in their struggle to survive, further exposing an already-vulnerable group of borrowers to even greater debt and associated worse health and wellbeing.
Considers the international law and practice around asset recovery. Starts with UNCAC Chapter 5 and its genesis, and covers what human rights bodies have said on asset recovery and return. Summarizes the national law of major asset-holding states on recovery and return, and looks at four different models for returning assets to states where they were stolen while avoiding those same assets being re-stolen. Considers some of the complications of asset return where the same networks responsible for stealing them are still in power.
This second chapter on transnational approaches to grand corruption looks at other ways to pressure corrupt governments when internal controls like the judiciary or auditors don’t work. It looks at individual or “smart” sanctions for human rights violations or grand corruption in the US, EU, UK, Canada and elsewhere. It then considers cases based on extraterritorial jurisdiction, private standards and certifications, and conditions placed by international development banks and agencies as sources of pressure and redress.
Does the EU’s performance compared to neighboring countries influence public support? Using a benchmarking approach, we argue that people compare their country’s performance within the EU to that of a non-EU country, shaping their attitudes. The COVID-19 vaccine rollout in 2020 provides an ideal test case, as governments launched vaccination programs at different speeds. The UK began weeks before EU countries, allowing us to examine its impact on EU support. Using an Unexpected Event during Surveys Design (UESD) with Eurobarometer data, we find that the UK’s early rollout significantly reduced specific policy support for the EU but did not consistently affect diffuse support. Our findings offer key insights into attitudes toward European integration and performance evaluations.
This chapter evaluates anti-money laundering (AML) regulation of crypto-assets in the UK with a focus on the UK implementation of the EU’s 5th Money Laundering Directive. The UK implementation had a broader scope than that required under the Directive; however, there was a lack of specific requirements and guidance on certain potentially higher-risk areas including privacy coins, mixers, and decentralised finance (DeFi). This chapter suggests that specific AML requirements and guidance on these potentially higher risk areas may help ensure the associated risks are effectively mitigated.
In this chapter, we argue that while it has often been suggested that utility models are a product of late nineteenth-century German thinking and that they are foreign to the United Kingdom, utility model protection was first introduced to the United Kingdom in the Utility Designs Act 1843. As such, it is clear that utility model protection has a long established (albeit somewhat tarnished) pedigree in British law and that utility model protection came into force in the United Kingdom some fifty years before its German counterpart. In this chapter we highlight the key features of the Utility Designs Act 1843, the way the Act was received, and speculate on the reasons why the Act was forgotten
The UK has experienced alarming increases in the number of individuals living with food insecurity as a result of the rise in the cost of living. The mechanisms linking household economic insecurity to food insecurity, and perceived health outcomes, are not well understood. The aim of this study was to explore how individuals with lived experience of food insecurity are coping with the rise in the cost of living, the trade-offs they might be making between food and other household expenses, and how these might impact eating behaviours and health outcomes. Using a qualitative inductive approach rooted in hermeneutic phenomenology, nine semi-structured interviews were conducted among individuals using charity-run food provision services in Bristol, UK. Narrative accounts from these interviews were analysed thematically. Almost all participants were recipients of benefits at the time of interviews and were living under high levels of economic insecurity. The rise in the cost of living forced complex budget management strategies, including relying on donated food and shoplifting. It also influenced eating behaviours through altered cooking strategies to save energy, substituting food for cheaper, less-nutritious, alternatives, and rationing meals. Food insecurity was experienced as a form of psychosocial violence, engendering high levels of stress, particularly for individuals with diet-related chronic diseases. There is therefore an urgent need for policies that tackle structural causes of overall household economic insecurity, and improve economic access to adequate nutritious foods, to prevent further entrenching social inequalities.
This article examines United Kingdom (UK) parliamentary debates on the adoption of its first post-Brexit, from-scratch free trade agreement (FTA), with Australia. Building on Jessop’s cultural political economy framework, we identify and analyse the economic imaginaries animating UK post-Brexit trade policy debates at this time. We find that an imaginary of what we term ‘competitive free trade’ shaped the UK Government’s approach to the UK–Australia FTA. Meanwhile, the Opposition, much of the House of Lords, and a small number of Conservative Members of Parliament endorsed an alternative ‘embedded free trade’ imaginary. Our analysis suggests that the UK government successfully used the context of an unsettled domestic institutional environment for trade policy post-Brexit in order to negotiate and ratify an FTA with Australia that reflected its competitive free trade imaginary. The article offers an account of UK post-Brexit trade policy that highlights how material, political, and ideational dimensions co-constitute each other in the political economy of trade, and how particular economic imaginaries become reified and dominant at certain junctures.
Chapter 2 considers the limits of performance translation, drawing from the author’s experiences working with three internationally acclaimed Argentinian theatre artists. The chapter first examines the potential “over-translatedness” of Claudio Tolcachir’s global sensation, La omisión de la familia Coleman (The Coleman Family’s Omission), in which audience identification seemingly transcends cultural difference and risks “over-translatability.” Considerations of the “local” underscore the translational limitations of “American realism” and challenges in staging plays bearing a culturally bound performance style for which there is no obvious US or UK equivalent. A case in point is the grotesco criollo, a tragicomic genre and acting style developed in 1920s Buenos Aires and still informing local theatre making. To illustrate, the chapter discusses the author’s and Rafael Spregelburd’s collaborative search for countering anticipated “under-translatedness” when bringing his plays to US stages. At the same time, the “untranslatable” can function as a productive performance strategy, thus the chapter concludes with an examination of Lola Arias’s Campo minado/Minefield, in which three Argentinian and three British ex-combatants reenact their 1982 Malvinas/Falklands War experiences. While translation is built into the multilingual production through projected supertitles, the untranslatable asserts itself at nearly the play’s end in a provocative moment of untranslatability.