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Chapter 10 uses Louisville, Kentucky (a metropolitan area with eviction rates double the national average) as a case study to critique how housing markets and eviction practices not only favor landlords’ property rights over the rights of tenants but also play important roles in maintaining racial segregation and in the day-to-day marginalized lives of the urban poor. Evictions perpetuate racial inequity and segregation in housing and are embedded within a system of white privilege that benefits historically white places. Eviction rates are compared to housing segregation patterns generally and to the historic redlining maps specifically to show the relationships of these racially unequal patterns of housing opportunity. Eviction is a means of control of disadvantaged neighborhoods and an institutionalization of racism in the urban landscape.
Chapter 3 synthesizes analyses of changes in both social justice movements and legal and policy institutions to broaden our understanding of interconnections among segregation, environmental disparities, and structural vulnerabilities in low-income communities of color. The Buchanan case highlights a relatively narrow framing of land-use injustice in the early twentieth century: zoning as a tool of racial segregation in housing. Throughout the twentieth century, the struggle for land use justice broadened to address the deep structural inequalities and systemic marginalization of all low-income communities of color, including land-use policies creating disparities in environmental conditions, community infrastructure, and vulnerabilities to disasters, shocks, and change. As both grassroots movements and institutions have evolved to grapple with the persistence and complexity of land use injustice in the United States, building the capacities, power, and resilience of low-income communities of color is critical to transformation and justice, and this growing focus on community capacities has come to characterize land-use justice movements.
Chapter 9’s case study of a major market-driven development project in Baltimore, the Port Covington project, explores how racial segregation and economic segregation are implicitly assumed to be normal parts of zoning’s spatial ordering of American cities. Inner cities are now places where private developers in a global neoliberal economy seek to use both public and private investments to create new exclusive, elite spaces for higher wealth consumers. Port Covington, a forty-two-block multi-use redevelopment of a vacant industrial site, is one such example on a massive scale. Although Baltimore’s relatively weak inclusionary zoning ordinance forced the developers to agree to include a limited number of affordable housing units in its new development plan, there were no discussions about whether or how to remedy Baltimore’s racialized geography and its legal and policy history of segregation, exclusion, and unequal opportunity. Major land-use decisions should not only embrace mixed-income and mixed-use policy goals but also government-provided affordable housing units and robust inclusionary measures to redress the subordinating dynamics of entrenched structural racism in local zoning.
Chapter 8 urges us to focus less on the spatial distributions and concentrations of people of different races in cities and more on the effects of concentrated members of racial minorities living in neighborhoods of concentrated poverty. From a “neighborhoods effects” analysis, some of the worst land-use injustice is the inequality of opportunity that comes from African Americans and Latines growing up in and living in high-poverty neighborhoods with poor housing, high crime, and low-quality schools. Public policy is failing because neither our research nor our policy solutions center on the relationships between race and poverty, instead often using race-only measures of segregation, or on the characteristics of neighborhoods that cause them to succeed or fail in ensuring equal opportunities for their residents, including neighborhood-specific crime data and comprehensive understandings of the residents’ everyday lives. The chapter calls for multi-faceted policies that address a range of interconnected factors, including the rising cost of housing, barriers to housing mobility, and the conditions of high-poverty neighborhoods affecting life opportunities for their residents.
Angela Davis, George Jackson, and other prominent Black intellectuals and radicals shaped abolition in different ways. The evolution and popularization of abolition promoted by Angela Davis was influenced by her own traumatic incarceration. Jon Jackson, the younger brother of George Jackson, had worked with Angela Davis to support the incarcerated men through the Soledad Brothers Defense Committee. Without her permission, in August 1970, Jonathan Jackson took guns belonging to Angela Davis to wage a raid at Marin County Courthouse in order to take hostages that could be exchanged to free Black prisoners. Prison guards shot and killed Jon Jackson, two Black prisoners, and a white judge in a stationary van. Davis fled the state, fearing reprisal from reactionaries, and was arrested by the FBI in October. During her incarceration, George Jackson was also killed by prison guard(s) in August 1971. Acquitted of all charges in 1972, Angela Davis advocated for abolition and over decades aligned abolition with advocacy academics; her work also increasingly focused on gender leadership of women and feminism, as noted in Women, Race and Class.
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