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As gold prices have soared, the Amazon and its inhabitants have had to bear the brunt of a rampant, environmentally destructive gold-mining rush. Small and medium-sized illegal, informal, and other irregular forms of so-called artisanal gold mining, as well as large-scale corporate gold mines, cause major and multifaceted socioenvironmental–health–human rights crises. The dynamics of the gold-mining boom are important to understand the key political economic sectors behind forest degradation and deforestation and to highlight how RDPEs work. The overall situation in the Amazon is presented, analyzing the causes of gold mining and the violence, especially in Peru, Brazil, and other key regions. The triple frontier between Colombia, Venezuela, and Brazil is also analyzed as the irregular gold-mining RDPE is one of the most important drivers of deforestation. In this region, gold-mining operations are led by ex-guerilla groups in Venezuela, paramilitaries and other armed groups in Colombia, and, increasingly, by the First Capital Command and other drug factions from southeastern Brazil in Roraima’s Yanomami Indigenous lands.
Peru’s Amazon is the site of a violent and fast-moving gold-mining rush, which has caused divides within Indigenous communities and devastating environmental impacts from the mercury used in gold extractivism. There has been a massive increase in illegal or informal gold mining, especially in Peru’s Madre de Dios province. Tens of thousands of miners operate on rafts in the rivers or dig for gold by increasingly mechanized means. In Madre de Dios there is a gold-mining RDPE that explains the bulk of land and forest use. In addition to an exploration of the dynamics of gold extractivism, this chapter also assesses the conflicts and resistance at play in this context. Indigenous communities, especially in the Amazon, are currently facing huge extractivist pressures, which has started to polarize many communities and change their relationship with the extractivist phenomena. Some community members have started to extract gold illegally and destructively, while most resist these temptations, invoking nonmodernist cosmologies and understandings that place barriers to extractivist expansions.
The conclusion unites the key empirical, theoretical, and methodological lessons, showcasing findings on the causes of deforestation relevant for several scholarly fields. The book’s original contribution and approach highlight the importance of RDPEs as the ultimate cause of deforestation. These RDPEs are also building blocks of global capitalism and regional drivers of deforestation, enabled by state actions, yet simultaneously resisted by progressive state and civil society actors. Ranching-grabbing in Brazil and gold mining–organized crime in the Amazon are explored as particularly important extractivist systems that help to explain deforestation in the Amazon at a deeper level. The book also discusses clearcutting and how it is driven by the aims of the pulping, papermaking, and wood energy sectors in Finland. Finland is a Nordic welfare state in the EU, which provides a novel comparison of how regionally dominant extractivist systems can vary yet still cause loss of forests across the North–South divide in the world-system. The lessons are related to broader discussions around global forests and deforestation.
This book analyzes the role of different political economic sectors that drive deforestation and clearcutting, including mining, ranching, export-oriented plantation agriculture, and forestry. The book examines the key actors, systems, and technologies behind the worsening climate/biodiversity crises that are aggravated by deforestation. The book is theoretically innovative, uniting political economic, sociological, political ecologic, and transdisciplinary theories on the politics of extraction. The research relies on the author’s multi-sited political ethnography, including field research, interviews, and other approaches, across multiple frontiers of deforestation, focusing on Brazil, Peru, and Finland. Why do key global extractivist sectors continue to expand via deforestation and what are the differences between sectors and regions? The hypothesis is that regionally and sometimes nationally dominant politically powerful economic sectors are major explanatory factors for if, how, and where deforestation occurs. To address the deepening global crises, it is essential to understand these power relations within different types of deforesting extractivisms.
In this book, Natalia Sobrevilla Perea reconstructs the history of the armed forces in nineteenth-century Peru and reveals what it meant to be a member. By centering the experiences of individuals, it demonstrates how the armed forces were an institution that created social provision, including social care for surviving family members, pensions for the elderly, and assistance for the infirm. Colonial militias transitioned into professional armies during the wars of independence to become the institution underpinning and sustaining the organization of the republic. To understand the emergence and weaknesses of nineteenth-century Peru, it is imperative to interrogate how men of the sword dominated post-independence politics.
While most Conditional Cash Transfer programs in Latin America expanded from rural to national coverage, Peru’s Juntos program maintained a strict rural focus for 15 years, systematically excluding poor urban households. This article examines the Peruvian paradox: why, despite regional trends and internal efforts to broaden coverage, Juntos remained territorially constrained. Using process tracing and semi-structured interviews with policymakers, senior bureaucrats, former congress members, and policy experts, the study identifies two institutional legacies rooted in the neoliberal reforms of the Fujimori era. First, the institutional consolidation of the Ministry of Economy and Finance (MEF) as a powerful veto player with control over public spending; and second, the diffusion of an ideational framework centered on fiscal austerity, efficiency, and aversion to clientelism. These legacies gave rise to two policy locks, a persistent rural bias and a regime of horizontal and fiscal control, that have limited the program’s adaptability to shifting poverty dynamics and urban demands.
Chapter 7 explores the reasons why Brazil, Peru, and Venezuela experienced relatively stable authoritarianism during the early twentieth century. All three countries professionalized their militaries during this period, which helped bring an end to the frequent revolts that had undermined their prospects for democracy in the nineteenth century. None of the three countries developed strong parties, however. The absence of strong parties impeded democratization in several ways. First, party weakness allowed presidents to concentrate authority and extend their hold on power in some cases. Second, and even more importantly, the weakness of opposition parties meant that the opposition had little chance of winning elections or enacting democratic reforms, particularly in the face of widespread government electoral manipulation. As a result, the opposition frequently abstained from elections, which only deepened authoritarian rule in these countries. In some instances, the opposition also encouraged the military to intervene to overthrow the president, which undermined otherwise mostly stable authoritarian regimes.
Edited by
Lisa Vanhala, University College London,Elisa Calliari, International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis, Vienna and Euro-Mediterranean Centre on Climate Change, Venice
Despite experiencing particularly severe and potentially irreversible climate change impacts, Peru has not yet developed explicit national policies on loss and damage. This chapter draws on the analysis of government policy and legislative documents, as well as twelve semi-structured interviews with key public and civil society actors, and identifies two key factors which contribute to limiting Peru’s engagement with loss and damage at the national level: national identity and policymaking politics. With respect to the former, the chapter argues that the issue of loss and damage is perceived as inconsistent with Peru’s identity and status as an upper middle-income country. National actors tend to frame loss and damage as “money for the poor” and thus something concerning Small Island Developing States and least developed countries, and there is also a fear that, as a middle-income nation, Peru might potentially be liable for claims against the nation state for the impacts of climate change. Moreover, Peru’s extractivist development and economic model limits the discussion and uptake of bold climate-related policies. With respect to (party) politics, the chapter finds that loss and damage is seen as highly contentious in Peru’s policymaking process and that it lacks the necessary support from civil society organizations.
In South America, investment chapters have been used by some governments, notably in Chile, Colombia and Peru, to replace outdated bilateral investment treaties and extend countries’ investment protection commitments. In other countries, such as Brazil, investment chapters are a means to rethink the governance of foreign investment altogether. This chapter traces the evolution of South America’s PTA investment chapters from 2001 to 2022, focusing on the types of reforms adopted and the domestic factors that shape the reforms governments are willing to accept. It finds that PTA investment chapters exhibit an increasing diversity of reforms over time, although the vast majority of agreements are designed to maintain traditional investment protection standards. This variation is partly driven by the legitimacy crisis of international investment law. Arguably, this crisis has created more political space for South American preferences in investment treaty lawmaking. However, who dominates reform debates is just as important for countries’ reform preferences as their experience with investor-state arbitration. Regardless of reform preferences, the main outcome of PTA investment chapters has been further fragmentation in an already complex and incomplete area of international economic law. This fragmentation, if allowed to continue, may exacerbate the very challenges that governments are seeking to address through their reform efforts in order to promote sustainable and inclusive development.
Pineapple cultivation is of economic importance for farmers; however, pineapple production can be affected by pests and diseases. Recently, the presence of mealybugs and pineapple mealybug wilt-associated viruses (PMWaV)-1, -2, and -3 has been reported in the provinces of Satipo and Chanchamayo, in Peru’s central jungle. This study aimed to molecularly identify mealybugs collected from the Hawaiiana cultivar and the MD-2 hybrid in those provinces to determine if they are indeed hosts of the PMWaV-1, -2, and -3. Through amplification and sequencing of the internal transcribed spacer ribosomal genes, the mealybugs were identified as Dysmicoccus brevipes. In the phylogenetic analysis of these D. brevipes, Peruvian isolates were associated with isolates from India, China, Taiwan, and Japan. In addition, our results confirmed the presence of PMWaV-1, -2, and -3 in all mealybug specimens collected from both the Hawaiiana cultivar and the MD-2 hybrid tested, with these PMWaVs showing a 99% sequence identity with others recently reported in Peru. Therefore, D. brevipes is a host and probable vector of PMWaV-1, -2, and -3 for the cultivar Hawaiiana and the hybrid pineapple MD-2 in Satipo and Chanchamayo, Peru. Based on these findings and observations of crop management strategies in these provinces, we recommend integrated management practices to control this pest.
The black walnut Juglans neotropica is a forest species characterized by being a monoecious and deciduous tree with a long life. This species has great ecological, environmental, and economic value, playing a fundamental role in the ecosystem. According to the IUCN, J. neotropica is threatened by anthropogenic activities that have drastically affected its distribution. In this study, the plastid intergenic spacer marker trnS-trnfM was amplified from 74 J. neotropica samples from eight locations in Amazonas region (Peru) to determine its haplotype network, genetic diversity, and genetic divergence. The results revealed that J. neotropica from Amazonas region showed i) a lineage composed of the eight populations embedded into the Rhysocaryon section; ii) three genetic groups within the haplotype network with the presence of an ancestral haplotype (H1) and possibly candidates for new taxa; iii) a high divergence between the populations of Molinopampa and Luya (1.62–2.64% of p-distance); iv) populations with high genetic diversity indices (Levanto = 0.32, Molinopampa = 0.41) with constant threats from anthropogenic activities; and v) high genetic structuring within populations (Fst = 0.04). Overall, these results collectively support a scenario of high variability with limited interpopulation genetic exchange. Our findings provide previously unavailable insights into the vulnerability of the black walnut J. neotropica by (i) quantifying the genetic consequences of human-induced habitat fragmentation and (ii) establishing baseline diversity metrics for future monitoring. These results directly inform in situ conservation priorities by identifying populations harbouring unique alleles that warrant immediate protection. Finally, further research should include nuclear markers (e.g., microsatellites or RAD-seq) to support our findings.
This article uses non-literary essays that appeared in the Peruvian press during the Oncenio period in Peru (1919–30) to nuance our understanding of Latin American Orientalism. Critical study of the extant material shows that there were at least three strands of Orientalism circulating among Peruvian readers, with the presence or absence of Asian communities in Peru and the larger history of Spanish imperialism and Spanish-language Orientalism acting as their conditions of possibility. While the large Chinese community in Peru triggered an Orientalist backlash akin to modern Anglo-French Orientalism, the absence of Southeast Asians in the country allowed for a more medieval-colonial Orientalism to persist, one that focused more on wonder for and exoticisation of Asian cultures. The exception would be the Philippines, which due to its previous history as a Spanish colony, was presented as a ‘modern’ country comparable to any in Latin America. Given that representations of Southeast Asia are often overlooked in the study of Latin American Orientalism—which in turn tends to focus on literary representations by writers from countries like Argentina or Mexico—this article fills these gaps and contributes to the global histories of Latin America and of Orientalism.
This article examines the role of women in the guild system of Lima, Peru, during the nineteenth century. Using data from the guild system of Lima between 1838 and 1859, it shows that women participated in a variety of guilds, primarily in retail trade and food manufacturing. Most women were not part of the guilds of merchants and professionals. A social stratification analysis reveals that women in guilds were concentrated at the lower end of the income distribution, with very few reaching the highest social classes. As the economy of Lima expanded during the Guano Era, enterprises had opportunities to grow and enter profitable sectors. However, women did not advance into the most lucrative sectors of the economy, with most remaining in the lowest social classes.
This chapter examines the coup d’état carried out by General Juan Velasco Alvarado in 1968, a coup that radically differed from the series of military takeovers in the Southern Cone of South America during the height of the Cold War. It seeks to analyze the causes that led to the coup, its principal objectives, and how the United States, in particular the Nixon administration, responded to Peru’s challenge to relations with the US. It further addresses a series of questions such as who the coup makers were, what their social backgrounds were, and what kind of resistance the new regime faced in what became, over the next several years, a radical effort to transform one of the most tradition-bound countries in Latin America in order to modernize it and bring it into the twentieth century.
The escalating dengue crisis in Peru demands immediate action from global health organizations, health care authorities, and government officials. Endemic to Peru, dengue has seen a drastic increase in cases, with the largest outbreak on record occurring in the first half of 2023, resulting in 139 366 confirmed cases and 381 deaths. Despite efforts to contain the outbreak through integrated surveillance and response strategies, the crisis worsened in 2024 due to drastic climate changes, exacerbating conditions for dengue transmission. Heavy rains since December 2023 have caused flooding and landslides, creating ideal breeding grounds for dengue vectors. Overwhelmed local authorities, especially in areas with limited access to public services due to floods and landslides, struggle to manage the crisis. With more than half the population at risk of dengue infection, urgent measures are required to control the spread of dengue and mitigate increasing mortality rates. Targeted interventions in areas with limited health care access are crucial, considering underreporting and limitations of health systems, to accurately assess the true burden of the disease and prevent further escalation of the crisis.
Intensifying storms and inter-annual El Niño events may increase psychological stress and worsen mental health. This study examines the relationship between flood exposure and long-term mental health symptoms among adolescents and young people in Peru, the world’s most affected country by El Niño. We analyzed community and self-reported survey data from the Young Lives Study to contrast mental health in 2016 among youth who lived in communities that experienced or did not experience flooding between 2013 and 2016. We pre-processed data on 1344 individuals in 93 communities, using optimal full matching on Mahalanobis distance with a propensity score caliper, and estimated relative risks to mental health scores in the general population of young people and among gender-stratified groups via quasi-Poisson regression. Exposure to floods did not yield conclusive differences in mental health scores in this sample. Further evidence is needed on mental health patterns over time, the influence of exposure severity, and the impact of disaster relief on symptomology in mounting an effective global health response.
Fuentes Históricas del Perú (FHP) se ha convertido en un recurso imprescindible para la investigación histórica en el país. Esta iniciativa, liderada por estudiantes de universidades peruanas, representa un avance significativo en el proceso más amplio de creación de recursos digitales para la investigación histórica y el desarrollo de las humanidades digitales en Perú. En esta entrevista, realizada a fines de 2023 por Paulo Drinot con Jair Miranda Tamayo, Erika Caballero Liñán y Carlos Paredes Hernández, los tres fundadores de FHP, se ofrece una perspectiva sobre los orígenes de FHP, sus características y sus objetivos.
This article examines the 1 July 1992 massacre of 18 Indigenous males and the concurrent cutting off of the hair of their wives and/or female kin carried out by the Shining Path in the Andean village of Huamanquiquia (Fajardo province, Ayacucho region). Based on first-hand accounts of the Maoist insurgents and the Indigenous women, I frame these events as a local case study of gendered atrocity that was experienced differently by men and women, focusing on the symbolic violence of haircutting. While this atrocity reflects some well-known patterns seen in other armed conflicts, it is shaped by two key factors specific to the time and place: first, particular understandings of the significance of hair within broader Andean cosmologies; second, tensions within the Shining Path movement at a key juncture in the war. I show that the Andean insurgents knew about the symbolic dimensions of haircutting, a crime against the integrity of the human body–soul – one understood to cause endless suffering in the journey to the afterlife in the Andean worldview – but they underplayed them. From this viewpoint, haircutting meant the mutilation of women’s physical integrity, with psychological, social and gender implications.
This article traces the history of estate landholding in the Andean valley of Antapampa over the first half of the twentieth century. It challenges a long-held and widely accepted belief that highland haciendas concentrated vast tracts of land in just a few hands. Rather, by the middle of the last century, many properties had fragmented into numerous more modest holdings. Others either held very little land at all, found themselves severely restricted by the mountainous terrain, or ceded most, sometimes all, of their possessions to a rapidly growing number of tenant farmers. The relative absence of mass land concentration, then, forces us to reconsider the role of a key institution in the countryside, in Peru, in Latin America and even beyond. To do so, this study draws upon extensive and original archival materials from roughly 300 Ministry of Agriculture case files, rarely, if ever, used before.
Radiocarbon dates can offer important corollaries for historic events and processes, including territorial expansion and consolidation in early empires. Eighteen new radiocarbon dates from test excavations at Ak'awillay, near the Inca imperial capital of Cuzco, reveal new perspectives on interactions between the Incas and Xaquixaguana Valley groups. Rather than persisting as a regional centre, Ak'awillay declined well before early Inca expansion, remaining largely unoccupied until after an extensive empire had been established. This new chronology adds nuance to the growing understanding of local group interactions and how they contributed to Inca state development and imperial expansion.