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This chapter explores the archaeology of late antique Syria, emphasising its historical significance and research challenges. Syria has one of the highest concentrations of late antique sites, particularly in the Limestone Massif, yet modern national borders obscure historical connections with Lebanon, Jordan and Turkey. Drawing on historical texts, travel accounts and archaeological surveys, the chapter traces the development of research from early European explorers to twentieth-century French-led excavations. It examines the influence of colonial mandates and political changes, including the impact of the Syrian civil war on archaeological preservation. A central argument is that late antique Syria has been overlooked in favour of earlier Roman and later Islamic studies. Limited excavations, instability and destruction have further hindered research. However, the chapter stresses the importance of studying Syria’s role in connecting the Roman, Persian and early Islamic worlds. Instead of focusing solely on elite monuments, the chapter calls for research on everyday settlements to provide a fuller picture of Syrian society during Late Antiquity.
This chapter explores the role of metalwork in Late Antiquity, with particular focus on the production, distribution and significance of gold, silver, copper, iron, lead and tin artefacts. It examines metal extraction processes, manufacturing techniques and the various ways in which metal objects were used in both secular and religious contexts. Drawing on archaeological evidence, chemical analysis and written sources, the chapter highlights how the study of metalwork provides valuable insights into the economic structures and political landscape of the late antique period. Rather than reflecting decline, late antique metalwork demonstrates adaptation to new demands. Gold and silver, used for coinage, jewellery and ceremonial objects, continued to be produced in both state-run and private workshops, with Constantinople, Antioch and Alexandria emerging as key centres. Silver plate played an essential role in imperial gift-giving and church donations, while stamped silver objects indicate a sophisticated state-controlled production system. The chapter also examines the continued production of copper alloys and iron, which were essential for military equipment, everyday utensils and monumental architecture, as well as lead and tin, which were widely used in construction, plumbing and pilgrimage objects.
Clement of Antioch is only attested in John Malalas. He wrote a chronicle that was based on Eusebius, but had a distinct focus on Syria. He positioned the start of the Christian era in AM 6000.
Andreas composed an Easter table and 200-year list of Easter dates that started in 352. It was based on the work of Anatolius of Laodicea and Hippolytus. To this a chronography was added, which is attested in Syriac but mostly in Armenian. Indeed, at the end of the sixth century, the work of Andreas travelled to Armenia, where it became the basis for the Armenian calendar. Andreas is the first known author to combine computus and chronography. He is also the earliest author to defend 6 January as the date for Christmas, and he is unique in proposing AM 5600 as the start of the Christian era.
Over the course of a tumultuous ecclesiastical career, John Chrysostom (ca. 349–407) put on many hats. He was a brilliant student of rhetoric and literature under the tutelage of Libanius of Antioch; he joined Diodore of Tarsus’ ascetic circle, which counted as a member Theodore of Mopsuestia, among others; he was appointed lector in 371 and then presbyter in 381 by Meletius of Antioch; and finally he was consecrated as bishop of Constantinople after the death of Nectarius (a target of Gregory of Nazianzus’ ire in Poem 2.1.12, “On Himself and Concerning the Bishops”). It was during his time as a presbyter in Antioch that he earned his gilded reputation for preaching, which Christians in the fifth century would encapsulate with the moniker “Chrysostom,” or Golden-Mouth. His sermons were known for their power and eloquence, but also for their confrontational tenor and furious hostility toward opponents (in this case, Jews and “Judaizing” Christians). John hoped that every member of his congregation would demonstrate the same zeal that he strived to embody every day.
Returning to the recurrent theme of resilience, it is suggested that the ecological model of adaptive cycles helps to understand the responses of the post-antique world to crisis. Rather than rejecting the old model of civilisation based on cities, memories of the past are constantly used both as providing material for new adaptations, and as a way of associating contemporary realities with those of the classical world. The writings of the authors discussed in this book as seen as part of this process, of transmitting and adapting memories.
The perspective of the Greek historian Procopius, narrating the campaigns under Justinian in the East, North Africa, and Italy, proves to coincide with that of Cassiodorus. Procopius’ world is one of cities, with the exception of barbarian zones, which are city free. In Persia, Africa, and Italy was is fought over cities in a series of sieges. Adversaries are judged on their appreciation of critical elements of cities. The Persian Chosroes sacks Roman cities, but builds his own. The Vandals in Africa are sharply criticised for their demolition of city walls, which proves their military undoing. The Goths in Italy have a varied record: Theoderic is given credit for the sort of respect for Roman law, tradition, and city fabric which Cassiodorus documents, but his last successors, especially Totila, earn criticism, and ultimately defeat, for demolishing city walls.
In this chapter we explore the textual and material evidence for the transformation of the city of Antioch in northern Syria from the seventh through ninth centuries. Through observations of the environmental shocks, including the Justinianic Plague, which first arrived in AD 542, as well as the effects of a series of major earthquakes, we assess demographic changes that likely accompanied these events. Following this, we explore some possible reconstruction of the population of Antioch and its hinterland. In the early medieval period, a reassessment of the material evidence, read together with descriptions from medieval texts, demonstrates that a level economic and social activity, probably significantly exceeding previous estimates, persisted through the ‘Dark Ages’ of the seventh-ninth centuries.
The AD 637 Islamic conquest of Antioch has been typically held as the city’s swan song. Conversely, this article shows that the new realities of power ushered in a new phase in the life of the city and lingered on the memory and myth of the city of Seleucus Nicator.
No ancient church of Antioch survives: the cruciform church of Kaoussié, Machouka, Seleucia’s martyrion, and a medieval church in Daphne are the scanty examples of a tradition of rich ecclesiastical architecture that punctuated Antioch’s cityscape. This chapter offers a comprehensive catalogue of ecclesiastical buildings known through the textual sources and piecemeal archaeological evidence.
Antioch lies on an active fault line; countless earthquakes have impacted the city and its built environment. This article addresses the geomorphology of the region as well as Antioch’s endemic resilience.
The Emperor Julian’s momentous sojourn in Antioch is a key theme in the discourse of Christianity and paganism in the Greek East. This chapter chronicles the events and climate of 362 and 363 CE on the shores of the Orontes, not least highlighting Julian’s utopia of Antioch "city of marble."
Antioch is the first place where Christians congregated. This chapter will explore the establishment of Antioch’s Christian community, as well as its leadership and connections with other churches.
Hellenistic Antioch remains poorly known. Yet the later city’s visual repertoire, whether through emblemata, entire tessellated surfaces, or sculpture in the round is a recursive celebration of a shared Hellenistic past.