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Part I - Johnson’s Criticism and the Forms of Feeling

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 September 2023

Philip Smallwood
Affiliation:
Birmingham City University

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Type
Chapter
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The Literary Criticism of Samuel Johnson
Forms of Artistry and Thought
, pp. 15 - 52
Publisher: Cambridge University Press
Print publication year: 2023
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This content is Open Access and distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence CC-BY-NC 4.0 https://creativecommons.org/cclicenses/

Part I Johnson’s Criticism and the Forms of Feeling

Chapter 1 Johnson’s Compassion

Johnson defines “compassion” in his Dictionary as “Pity; commiseration; sorrow for the sufferings of others; painful sympathy.” In an essay first published in the Johnsonian News Letter entitled “What Johnson Means to Me,” the distinguished American poet and classical translator David Ferry provides a compelling gloss on Johnson’s quintessentially compassionate nature, and he includes extensive quotations from poems he has based on Johnsonian sources. He writes that “Johnson is, to my mind, in his prose and in his verse, one of the masters of pity, unsentimental pity founded on his awareness of our situation in a universe we cannot fully explicate; and it is founded on his awareness that our limitations, our vulnerability, are what we, all fellow creatures, share, the actualities of our natures and our circumstances.”Footnote 1

As Ferry suggests, the literary world has, perhaps, no greater illustration of the mastery of unsentimental pity than the writings of Johnson and the lessons taught by his life. Examples of his compassion in the daily practice of life are well documented by his biographers. There is the organized chaos of Johnson’s London household with its family unit of eccentrics, unfortunates and improbable dependents precariously gathered under a single roof. Such a charitable mode of domestic life has been often remarked, and in speaking of Johnson’s “compassion” I have no wish to ignore these everyday kindnesses to those less fortunate than himself, materially or intellectually, nor to pass over the multitude of Johnson’s generous acts. These include his mentoring of other writers and his extensive ghosting for the literary and professional advantage of friends. Of these latter favors, the full extent is even now not finally known; and given the difficulties of attribution, collaborative authorship and anonymity, they may never be revealed entirely. Johnson’s offices of compassionate care famously extended to the proper tending of his domestic cat, and this, with much else, is an everyday instance of what the philosopher Michael Ignatieff calls the “ordinary virtues.”Footnote 2 But my focus in what follows will be to illustrate the intellectual and emotional structure of Johnson’s compassion. “Compassion” is the term I elect to capture Johnson’s artistically forged but spontaneous responsiveness to the sufferings of fellow humanity in the particular case. I’ll highlight two of many moments from the critical and biographical writings where in this spirit the reality of human frailty is faced.

The publication of volume xix of the Yale edition of the works of Johnson, devoted to his biographical writings, has made his practice in portraying the lives of others more extensively available, while in a well-known essay on the theory behind the practice, Rambler 60, Johnson had defined a compositional standard applicable alike to historians, biographers and writers of fiction. His paper opens with a somewhat formal reflection on how readers participate imaginatively in the emotional life of the characters of a narrative, whether factual or fictional:

All joy or sorrow for the happiness or calamities of others is produced by an act of the imagination, that realises the event, however fictitious, or approximates it however remote, by placing us, for a time, in the condition of him whose fortune we contemplate; so that we feel, while the deception lasts, whatever emotions would be excited by the same good or evil happening to ourselves.

(Works iii, pp. 318–19)

In the life-history of real persons Johnson’s “Life of Savage” has always served as an eminent example of Johnson’s sympathetic imagination. I will repeat its famously clear-sighted closing strokes: “Those are no proper judges of his conduct, who have slumbered away their time on the down of plenty, nor will any wise man easily presume to say, ‘Had I been in Savage’s condition, I should have lived or written better than Savage’” (Lives, vol. iii, p. 188). The remark expresses an acceptance of those profoundly different from ourselves in ways we may not always approve. Here tolerance for Savage – a convicted murderer – is tinged with Johnson’s sense of having been equipped by personal experience of penury, plus the requisite imagination, to give due credit to Savage’s character and poetry. Johnson shows how moral and aesthetic judgments draw as much critical attention to the moral and aesthetic qualifications of the person making the judgment as they do to the merits or deficiencies of the person judged. No writer’s writings are ever hermetically sealed off from their lives. The hardships Savage suffered, together with his self-inflicted misfortunes, are both the liberating and the limiting conditions of his artistic achievement.

It is as an aspect of Ferry’s “unsentimental pity” that I will explore such nuances of Johnson’s “sorrow for the sufferings of others.” This is pervasive in Johnson’s prose and suggests a consciousness in the presence of fragile humanity revealing Johnson’s own vulnerability as well as ours. In the passages I examine, the boundaries between observer and observed, between the describer and the described, seem simultaneously both profound and nonexistent; there is a homage to psychological and material detail, what Ferry calls “the actualities of our natures and our circumstances.”

Johnson, Ferry and Pope’s Body

The merits of my first passage are best understood through one of David Ferry’s own poems, where Ferry versifies an excerpt from Johnsonian biography and helps elicit the compassionate perspective I wish to define. The piece is called, simply, “Johnson on Pope – from the Lives of the Poets”; first published in 1960, it is reprinted in Ferry’s 1999 collection Of No Country I Know. The poem condenses a passage in the “Life of Pope” where Pope is depicted at war with his own body, and the experience is one of absences and silences combined with ferocity. Ferry reveals how Pope’s physical disability is manifest in his nocturnal habits and neurotically inconvenient demands. Here is the poem:

He was protuberant behind, before;
Born beautiful, he had grown up a spider;
Stature so low, he could not sit at table
Like taller men: in middle life so feeble
He could not dress himself, nor stand upright
Without a canvas bodice; in the long night
Made servants peevish with his demands for coffee;
Trying to make his spider’s legs less skinny,
He wore three pair of stockings, which a maid
Had to draw on and off; one side was contracted.
But his face was not displeasing, his eyes were vivid.
He found it very difficult to be clean
Of unappeasable malignity;
But in his eyes the shapeless vicious scene
Composed itself; of folly he made beauty.Footnote 3

The putative connection between Pope’s bodily form (as cause) and his satirical malignity (the supposed effect) has long fuelled the defensive vengeance of his enemies and victims (as Johnson’s various disabilities – blindness, deafness, scrofula, Tourette’s and so on – are read back into features of his disabled judgments that people have not likedFootnote 4). This tradition is touched on here, but it is transcended poetically: Pope’s spider-beauty recollects the insect poet of his famous self-satire from Guardian 91 (June 25, 1713). The passage comically features the club for “intractable dwarfs” where “The table was so high, that one who came by chance to the door, seeing our chins just above the pewter dishes, took us for a circle of men that sat ready to be shaved.”Footnote 5 The starkness of Ferry’s poetical portrait may also hark back somewhat to Pope’s personal incarnation of the “Beauty that shocks you” of the Sporus-bug-with-gilded-wings of the Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot (line 309).Footnote 6 The incongruity captures the insect brilliance evoked by Ferry’s poem, as by Pope’s. But it can also, I suggest, cast new light on the prose poem: the sequence of paragraphs in Johnson’s “Life of Pope.” On this passage, which I shall quote in a moment, Ferry bases his stripped-down creative versification, and distillation, of Johnson’s spare eighteenth-century prose. Pope’s “unappeasable malignity” is a direct lift from the preceding pages of the “Life” (Lives, vol. iv, p. 49). Johnson here summarizes the antagonism of Cibber to Pope. The borrowed phrase, from the implications of which Johnson does not draw back, places Pope centrally within the “shapeless vicious scene” of the world’s folly. This scene is the battleground of the combative Pope. It is the objective reality of one who, like William Blake, “will not cease from Mental Fight.”Footnote 7 It is what Pope sees and despises. But it is also a product of the crystalline interior vision he projects onto the screen of the “shapeless” exterior world brought into focus by his poetry. Pope’s “Born beautiful” in the second line of the poem is similarly held together with his composing, unifying gaze, and through the comprehension that makes folly beautiful in the last. How can folly ever count as beauty? Pope tells us how. The effect is redemptive of this strangely refined and unusual specimen of the malign who, as the self-appointed moral voice of his generation, “found it very difficult to be clean.”

Ferry’s destabilizing shift between the high moral and the brutally physical replicates Johnson’s passage very closely. It rests on key expressions selected and recombined from the Johnsonian text. Ferry’s creative translation draws attention to the neglected constituents of its source and reenacts sympathetically its poetic tempo and its architecture of phrase. Christopher Ricks has written rightly of Ferry’s translation of “haunted prose to haunted poetry,” and Ferry renders afresh a Johnsonian sensitivity to the concrete immediacy of the abstract noun “suffering.”Footnote 8 I quote the following from the third edition of the Lives. This is the last to have been published in Johnson’s lifetime and serves as the copytext of Roger Lonsdale’s magnificent four-volume Oxford edition:

The person of Pope is well known not to have been formed by the nicest model. He has, in his account of the Little Club, compared himself to a spider, and by another is described as protuberant behind and before. He is said to have been beautiful in his infancy; but he was of a constitution originally feeble and weak; and as bodies of tender frame are easily distorted, his deformity was probably in part the effect of his application. His stature was so low, that, to bring him to a level with common tables, it was necessary to raise his seat. But his face was not displeasing, and his eyes were animated and vivid.

(Lives, vol. iv, p. 54)

“[B]odies of tender frame” and their propensity to easy distortion is language that might equally apply to a range of animate and inanimate entities and objects, obedient to Newtonian laws. There is the art of surprise: the “stature … so low … But his face… not displeasing.” The phrasing marks a contrast opening out to express the incongruities and complexities of the human individual, and recalls the beauty and intensity evident in the striking Roubiliac busts of Pope and the delicate features of the Jervas portrait. Johnson is meeting the “animated and vivid” eyes of Pope at this point, and he inverts the conventional cause-and-effect relationship cherished by his enemies between Pope’s disfiguring, disfigured poetry and deformed physique – a theme of literary histories and popular introductions alike: His “application” to poetry is now the cause; his “deformity” the effect.Footnote 9 Ferry need make minimal change when shaping the line in his modern poetical “Johnson on Pope”: “But his face was not displeasing, his eyes were vivid.”

The unnamed “another” remarked at the start of Johnson’s paragraph is Voltaire, whom Johnson identifies by name in the surviving manuscript version of the “Life of Pope.” In a footnote to this passage in the three-volume Yale Lives, the editors note that the phrase “by another” is added in the third edition, and Johnson gets reprimanded for making the change and for not checking his sources: “SJ should have left his sentence as it was first written,” they opine (Works xxiii, p. 1163, n. 8). Perhaps he should, but the rebuke makes too little allowance for what gains by suppression in the backbeat and rhythm of Johnson’s poetical prose. These evolve creatively through successive versions – manuscript alterations and then proofs of the first edition – toward a final printed manifestation in the third, and show how different is the intention and pitch of Johnson’s poetical prose from the obligations of editorial procedure. Voltaire had recorded his impression of the person of Pope, whose company he had shared, as “un petit homme contrefait, bossu par devant et par derrière.” This becomes the “protuberant behind and before” of Johnson and the almost identical “protuberant behind, before” of Ferry’s poem.Footnote 10 But Johnson is less interested in the precise source of the observation than in linking his physically diminutive stature to Pope’s existential condition: “By natural deformity, or accidental distortion,” Johnson continues, accepting Pope’s vivid, laconic, self-description of his experience from the Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot: “his vital functions were so much disordered, that his life was a long desease. His most frequent assailant was the headach, which he used to relieve by inhaling the steam of coffee, which he very frequently required” (Lives, vol. iv, p. 54). In his commentary to the “Oxford” Lives Lonsdale has noted that in the Monthly Review, vol. 74 (1786), p. 308, Charles Burney, Jr. records that “Johnson has been much criticized for the minuteness with which he has described Pope’s mode of living” (Lives, vol. iv, p. 304n.). And Pope’s demand for coffee at inconvenient hours “in the night” (according to Johnson) and “in the long night” (in Ferry’s poem) is one of these details. It is, however, through these very same “petty peculiarities” that the haunting quality of Johnson’s austere and unsentimental sympathy is brought out:

Most of what can be told concerning his petty peculiarities was communicated by a female domestick of the Earl of Oxford, who knew him perhaps after the middle of life [the source of Ferry’s “in middle life”]. He was then so weak as to stand in perpetual needs of female attendance; extremely sensible of cold, so that he wore a kind of fur doublet, under a shirt of very coarse warm linen with fine sleeves. When he rose he was invested in boddice made of stiff canvass, being scarce able to hold himself erect till they were laced, and then put on a flannel waistcoat. One side was contracted. His legs were so slender, that he enlarged their bulk with three pairs of stockings, which were drawn on and off by the maid; for he was not able to dress or undress himself, and neither went to bed nor rose without help. His weakness made it very difficult for him to be clean.

(Lives, vol. iv, pp. 54–55)Footnote 11

This last sentence supplies the sudden arrival of the first line of Ferry’s final, minimalist, quatrain: “He found it very difficult to be clean.”

The pathos of Johnson’s details grounds the singular life of the supreme poetical genius of the eighteenth century in the general nature of human vulnerability and struggle, and as Johnson acknowledges, his commentary is adapted from a report by the Earl of Oxford’s maid. The Yale editors refer to this report as “Her account” in the Gentleman’s Magazine in 1775, though Lonsdale’s edition identifies the same description as the product of an interview with the maid (that is, a report of a report) conducted by a certain (unspecified) “D” (possibly, Lonsdale suggests, John Duncombe).Footnote 12 “Mr. Urban,” the interviewer begins: “If the following inconsiderable particulars concerning Mr. Pope’s person, &c. deserve a place in your Mag. they are much at your service. I took them down, without arrangement, from the mouth of an ancient and respectable domestic, who lived many years in the family of Lord Oxford.” The particulars listed are, of course, the sorts of things that an attentive servant might well commit to memory’s store: “Mr. Pope was unable to dress or undress himself, or get into bed without help; nor could he stand upright till a kind of stays, made of stiff linen, were laced on him, one of his sides being contracted almost to the back-bone.”Footnote 13 She goes on to describe the twenty-four-hour care package that Pope required:

He wanted much waiting on, but was very liberal to the maid-servants about him, so that he had never reason to complain of being neglected. These females attended him at night, and, in the morning, brought him his writing-desk to bed, lighted his fire, drew on his stockings, &c. which offices he often summoned them to perform at very early hours; so that, when any part of their business was left undone, their common excuse was, that they had been employed with Mr. Pope, and then no farther reprehension was to be dreaded.Footnote 14

Then there is the detail of Pope’s addiction to coffee as medicinal inhalant: “He ordered coffee to be made several times in a day, that he might hold his head over its steam, as a temporary relief to the violent head-achs from which he usually suffered.” And the memory of his pernickety vanities and his quarrelsomeness:

His hair having almost entirely fallen off, he sometimes dined at Lord Oxford’s table in a velvet cap; but, when he went to court, he put on a tie-wig and black clothes, and had a little sword peeping out by his pocket-hole. It was difficult to persuade him to drink a single glass of wine. He and Lady Mary Wortley Montagu had frequent quarrels, which usually ended in their alternate desertion of the house. When Mr. Pope wanted to go out any where in the evening, he always sent for Mrs. Blount to accompany him in a hackney-coach. He often resided at Lord Oxford’s while the family was absent in the country, and whatever he ordered was got ready for his dinner.Footnote 15

He might seem an ungrateful guest, but he was worth courting. The maid continues:

He would sometimes, without any provocation, leave his noble landlord for many months, nor would return till courted back by a greater number of notes, messages, and letters, than the servants were willing to carry. He would occasionally joke with my Lord’s domestics, as well as higher company, but was never seen to laugh himself, even when he had set the whole table in a roar at Tom Hearne, Humphrey Wanley, or any other persons whose manners were as strongly tinctured with singularity.Footnote 16

The tone of the maid’s witness statement on Pope is respectful and amused, with an undercurrent of affection. Like many literati of the eighteenth century, Johnson shares her love of the anecdote. But there is a difference between telling tales about the behind-the-scenes “vital functions” and private habits of a famous person – as they come to mind at interview – and Johnson’s creative organization of such mundane incidentals into an iconic vision of the human state that accepts all our private peculiarities. There is no guarantee that the maid’s report was rendered verbatim (some of the expressions are literary in flavor); but the relative absence of control over the detail of this passage (taken down “without arrangement”) brings out by comparison the compositional artistry of Johnson’s paragraphs and highlights the syllabic precision of his cadences. These are the shapings of expression that Ferry has heard and skillfully recrafted or echoed in his poem so that we might hear them again, or discover them for the first time, in Johnson’s prose-poem on Pope’s body and his poetical presence. Less is more, and the “inconsiderable particulars” recorded in the Gentleman’s Magazine are given moral, symbolic and aesthetic meaning by Johnson. Thus “one of his sides being contracted almost to the back-bone” is a diagnosis that informs the biographical data-base of the “Life.” But Johnson writes of Pope only: “One side was contracted.”Footnote 17 The effect of the simple, pared-down, six-syllable, four-word sentence is to concentrate the human implications of Pope’s arduous day-to-day physical battle – famously self-ridiculed in “this long Desease my Life.” Johnson unglazes the onlooker’s eyes to face the piteous human scenario. This is mediated by the small feats of endurance by one whose quotidian suffering occurs symptomatically (to quote Ferry) in “a universe we cannot fully explicate.” Pope is at the center of this dark, incomprehensible nightmare universe that is all around him.

Johnson’s expression anticipates the economy of linguistic means that we now associate with Samuel Beckett, who learned bleakness and the meaning of human isolation partly from Johnson. The restraint contrasts with the ready loquacity of the report at second hand from the maid, and Johnson’s temperate simplicity shifts the factual substance of a disability assessment based on the domestic habits of one individual into a moral vision of desolation and alienation. Johnson is adaptive: He modifies the specific information about Pope being reluctant to take wine to later write that Pope “seemed angry when a dram was offered him” (Lives, vol. iv, p. 55). There are at the same time other details that must have been acquired from sources beyond the report: that for example the doublet Pope wore to keep warm was made of fur and covered by a “flannel waistcoat.”Footnote 18 There is nothing in the report about Pope’s seat having to be raised to bring him level with the table. The supporting “boddice” is “stiff canvass” in Johnson; in the source it is “stiff linen” (the constituent of canvas): Johnson’s eye falls on the thing itself, reimagined for this purpose, and not exclusively on the words.Footnote 19

Ferry’s poem on Johnson on Pope brings out the struggle of the mental and the physical that happens when (to quote a second Johnsonian poem by Ferry) “the stupid demogorgon blind | Recalcitrance of body, resentful of the laws | Of mind and spirit, [is] getting its own back now.” The poem entitled “That Evening at Dinner,” from which I take these lines, is another verse tribute to suffering mediated by allusion to Johnson.Footnote 20 Its thematic relationship to “Johnson on Pope” is achieved through the details we are made to live through by the poetry, “the actualities of our natures and circumstances.” The focus is again on the awkward physicality of life’s routine perambulations. The elderly lady in that poem is being assisted to the table to eat:

And after we helped her get across the hall,
And get across the room to a chair, somehow
We got her seated in a chair that was placed
A little too far away from the nearest table,
At the edge of the abyss, and there she sat,
Exposed, her body the object of our attention –
The heaviness of it, the helpless graceless leg,
The thick stocking, the leg brace, the medical shoe.

The poem on Johnson’s Pope makes Pope fully “the object of our attention”; we view the precarious and refined fragility of his body in tandem with his clarifying fierceness, his “unappeasable malignity.” But the lighter tone in the next paragraph but two of Johnson’s account, the last to be brought into play by Ferry, mitigates the bleakness of Johnson’s visualization of Pope’s mortal “person.” Here Johnson indulges, to a degree, the narcissism of Pope, who had learned “all the unpleasing and unsocial qualities of a valetudinarian man.” The account taps into the good humor of the maid’s recounting of domestic life tending to the curious and exasperating Mr. Pope. There is a sneaking admiration for the servants who used Pope’s exorbitant demands, and his role as a precious guest of their employer, to fabricate cast-iron excuses for neglecting household duties elsewhere:

The reputation which his friendship gave, procured many invitations; but he was a very troublesome inmate. He brought no servant, and had so many wants, that a numerous attendance was scarcely able to supply them. Wherever he was, he left no room for another, because he exacted the attention, and employed the activity of the whole family. His errands were so frequent and frivolous, that the footmen in time avoided and neglected him; and the Earl of Oxford discharged some of the servants for their resolute refusal of his messages. The maids, when they had neglected their business, alleged that they had been employed by Mr. Pope. One of his constant demands was for coffee in the night, and to the woman that waited on him in his chamber he was very burthensome; but he was careful to recompense her want of sleep; and Lord Oxford’s servant declared, that in a house where her business was to answer his call, she would not ask for wages.

(Lives, vol. iv, p. 55)

Johnson’s below-stairs source reports servings of coffee “several times a day” (to inhale the caffeinated steam); Johnson writes of the more inconvenient, sleep-depriving, need to serve coffee “in the night”; but the complicity between servant and guest worked, in the end, to the advantage of all concerned: Pope, the house-guest-from-hell, was the welcome fount of generous gratuities. The old days of pandering to him could be recalled with a smile.

The lightness of touch at this point contrasts with the hauteur of Lord Byron’s later description of Pope as the “little Queen Anne’s man,” the poet who nevertheless belonged, for Byron, in a totally different class from his Romantic contemporaries;Footnote 21 and Johnson’s treatment of Pope’s person, in all its frankness of physical detail, could not be further from the viciously ad hominem rants of the critic John Dennis and his gross assaults on Pope as the “hunch-back’d Toad.”Footnote 22 The beauty of the formal portraits of Pope tells one story in the narrative of contemporary responses; the other side is depicted by the cruelty and laughter of his period’s graphic satire, to which he regularly fell victim. Few of his enemies – such as Lord Hervey, the “Sporus” of the Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot – failed to mention his physical stature and deformities.Footnote 23 Few later critics of Pope’s poetry have forborne to fixate on his crippled body.Footnote 24 His verse has been read reductively as a symptom of his physical form or as evidence for the presiding biographical fact of his disability, relegating the poetry to the margins of that primary reality. Not all these cases count as malicious gossip at Pope’s expense, but the observer’s experience of the person under observation can suggest superiority; it can imply the viewer’s insulation from the human object. The dry light of Johnson’s compassion fixes the “person of Pope” and his domestic inconveniences in a world in which we are obliged to accept our ignorance of the causes and meaning of the human state, and, as Shakespeare demonstrates in his great tragedies, our consequent sense of the baffling inexplicableness of human suffering.

This recognition of the singular absurdity of being human shapes Johnson’s 1757 critique of the shallow and knowing optimism of Soame Jenyns’s Free Enquiry into the Nature and Origin of Evil. It is from this text, “that leaves,” he says, “no room for pity,” that David Ferry assembles some of the phrases he needs for the verse narrative of the poem I quoted earlier: “That Evening at Dinner.” This is the story of an elderly dinner-guest, a friend of the poet, who, having lost the husband of her late-life marriage, had kept herself going. Here is a further extract:

After his death, and after the stroke, she had
By force of character and careful management,
Maintained a certain degree of happiness.
The books there on the bookshelves told their stories,
Line after line, all of them evenly spaced,
And spaces between the words. You could fall through the spaces.
In one of the books Dr. Johnson told the story:
“In the scale of being, wherever it begins,
Or ends, there are chasms infinitely deep;
Infinite vacuities … For surely,
Nothing can so disturb the passions, or
Perplex the intellects of man so much,
As the disruption of this union with
Visible nature, separation from all
That has delighted or engaged him, a change
Not only of the place but of the manner
Of his being, an entrance into a state
Not simply which he knows not, but perhaps
A state he has not faculties to know.”Footnote 25

Ferry writes that his poem “quotes from two sentences of Johnson’s” and that “indeed,” he says: “I think of the poem as a reading of those sentences.” Certainly, Ferry does more than simply quote from Johnson. “[Chasm[s]] infinitely deep” and “Infinite vacuities” are resonant phrases taken from Johnson’s review; so too the run of Johnson’s almost exact words: “In the scale [of being], wherever it begins or ends, are infinite vacuities” (Works xvii, p. 404). Yet while the former expression appears on the same page in the review, it gravitates to a different sentence in the poem and is then inserted to make up the sequence of Ferry’s lines. Thus Ferry, via Johnson, constructs a dialogue between the eighteenth-century writer and the modern poet, between principle and instance, between the conditions of general nature and the immediate human individual who calls those conditions to mind, between the books on the shelves in the room and the book by Johnson in which he takes Soame Jenyns to task. The final line, on death as a state that man “has not faculties to know,” recalls the closing paragraphs of Johnson’s damning judgment of Jenyns on the tenets of religion. Of this the “evidences and sanctions [of religion] are not irresistible, because it was intended to induce, not to compel, and that it is obscure, because we want faculties to comprehend it” (Works xvii, pp. 430–31). But the greater part of the quotation is again powerful in its recognition of human limitations and its cautions against contemporary cultural hubris. It comes almost verbatim from a source that Ferry recalls in his notes to the poem.Footnote 26 The notes appear in his edition of 1999 but are omitted from the News Letter account he gives of the poem as a response to the Johnson. The text is Johnson’s Rambler 78 on the nature of mortality:

Milton has judiciously represented the father of mankind, as seized with horror and astonishment at the sight of death, exhibited to him on the mount of vision. For surely, nothing can so much disturb the passions, or perplex the intellects of man, as the disruption of his union with visible nature; a separation from all that has hitherto delighted or engaged him; a change not only of the place, but the manner of his being; an entrance into a state not simply which he knows not, but which perhaps he has not faculties to know.

(Works iv, p. 47)

It is most likely a memory of this Rambler that leads Ferry to a final Miltonic allusion in his poem. Satan, returning to Pandemonium in book x of Paradise Lost, finds all transformed into serpents; these, when they taste the fruit of Satan’s expedition to Eden, “Chewed bitter ashes” (line 566).Footnote 27 “That Evening at Dinner” concludes with a similar apocalyptic collapse:

The dinner was delicious, fresh greens, and reds,
And yellows, produce of the season due,
And fish from the nearby sea; and there were also
Ashes to be eaten, and dirt to drink.Footnote 28
The Last Days of Jonathan Swift

The character of Johnson’s compassion does not mean he must hold back from some harsh judgments of the English poets – even such poets as Pope – whose poetry has moral implications of which he must sometimes disapprove. The eloquence of the “spaces between the words” in Ferry’s poem leads me, however, to my complementary example of the Johnsonian mode of compassion and its distinctive voice. Again, Johnson’s “unsentimental pity” is expressed in response to a writer of whose moral ambiguities Johnson was sharply aware. As we shall explore in later chapters, Johnson’s Lives of the Poets contains many descriptions – usually brief, laconic or terse – of the deaths of the poets, but the conclusion to his “Life of Swift” is the longest dying in the Lives and captures the dark inner drama of Swift’s constitutional melancholia and final illness. Anecdotal in mode, the description mingles an air of clinical curiosity with Johnson’s inner fears of psychic derangement and terminal depression four years before his own death. The closing paragraphs chart Swift’s final King Lear-like progress to mental and physical dissolution:

He grew more violent; and his mental powers declined till (1741) it was found necessary that legal guardians should be appointed of his person and fortune. He now lost distinction. His madness was compounded of rage and fatuity. The last face that he knew was that of Mrs. Whiteway, and her he ceased to know in a little time. His meat was brought him cut into mouthfuls; but he never would touch it while the servant staid, and at last, after it had stood perhaps an hour, would eat it walking; for he continued his old habit, and was on his feet ten hours a-day.

Next year (1742) he had an inflammation in his left eye, which swelled it to the size of an egg, with boils in other parts; he was kept long waking with the pain, and was not easily restrained by five attendants from tearing out his eye.

The tumour at last subsided; and a short interval of reason ensuing, in which he knew his physician and his family, gave hopes of his recovery; but in a few days he sunk into lethargick stupidity, motionless, heedless, and speechless. But it is said, that, after a year of total silence, when his housekeeper, on the 30th of November, told that the usual bonfires and illuminations were preparing to celebrate his birth-day, he answered. It is all folly; they had better let it alone.

It is remembered that he afterwards spoke now and then, or gave some intimation of meaning; but at last sunk into perfect silence, which continued until about the end of October 1744, when, in his seventy-eighth year, he expired without a struggle.

(Lives, vol. iii, pp. 207–08)

This passage too has a biographical source. Here the description of the final illness and death of Swift is John Hawkesworth’s “Account” from the 1755 edition of Swift’s Works.Footnote 29 Johnson borrows or near-echoes vocabulary, expressions and even some cadences; but the effect is Johnson’s own. Again, Johnson follows his original not to replicate a biographical record that is already in print but to define a unique form of the human self that is at once a critical instance of the suffering situation of general humanity. His phrasing isolates Swift’s step-by-step decline as a proxy for the writer’s tormented and detached contrarian life, now beyond human aid. The italicized direct speech – Swift audible in his own words – arrives with stark suddenness, while Johnson suggests the interweaving of mental and physical atrophy and evokes the suspensions of language formation in a disintegrating mind. The measured pulses of the Johnsonian prose enact these silent interludes: Swift’s own “spaces between … words.” Correspondingly the citation of dates in the passage (the years between 1741 and 1744) marks the countdown to the point where, as individuals exist in time, time means nothing any more. In this inexorable, unpredictable, curmudgeonly descent into oblivion, the prevailing note is tragic, but Johnson allows our reaction to Swift as an absurd or even darkly comic phenomenon while he implicitly universalizes Swift’s final assessment of his own singularity, as cited in Hawkesworth’s account: “I am what I am, I am what I am.”Footnote 30 Johnson admired Shakespearean tragedy as a conduit for “general nature.” Here, as in the “Life of Pope,” he shows how writing of surpassing dramatic power is not a theatrical monopoly. There are other ways of being Shakespearean than writing plays for the stage.

There are, doubtless, differences between compassion instilled by the pain-filled life-force of Alexander Pope (a chronic invalid) and that of Swift (in the last incoherent throes of life); but the two images of human suffering I have outlined here have in common that they link the isolation of untranslatable individuality to the experience of “general nature.” David Ferry’s poetic re-statements of Johnson’s own words help bring this relationship to the fore and suggest the wide awareness of suffering in Johnson’s writings. Johnson’s quality of looking at both Pope and Swift (or, in recognizing harrowing pain or terminal disablement, refusing to look away) is unfaltering, and his discretion in having the reader attend offers a perspective at the other extreme from indifference. In common with the elderly lady dinner-guest in Ferry’s poem, the human figures in Johnson stand out in vivid relief as “the object[s] of our attention,” as sharply focused portraits of unmitigated impairment. We have seen that this same unsentimental pity responds to the unfathomable causes of pain analysed in Johnson’s deconstructing of Jenyns, who claimed to perceive an order in things on the strength of believing an order must exist. At key moments in the biographies of Pope and Swift – the two last to be composed of the fifty-two “Lives” of his English Poets – Johnson’s own moral order elicits by contrast the pathos of a human consciousness prey to unknowable causes. Such images suggest the vital remedial role, in reaction to the darkness and fear, of Johnson’s vision; they give particularity and depth to Johnson’s Dictionary definition of “compassion,” the “sorrow for the sufferings of others”, the “painful sympathy” these portraits inspire.

Chapter 2 “The tears stand in my eyes” Johnson and Emotion

Emotion and Too Little of It

Compassion is a special case of the sympathetic imagination Johnson extended to others. We turn now, however, to the emotional personality of Johnson’s criticism and its origins. Tensions and anxieties of a deeply personal order shape Johnson’s critical practice, and he is one of the most emotionally intense personalities in English writing. But he is also one of the most reluctant betrayers of emotion, a tendency we see in the unsentimental language of his criticism, in the compact, restrained, rugged austerity of some of his poetry and in the organization and formulation of his literary tastes.

Emotion, then, for Johnson – in common with Tolstoy – is pivotal in the attribution of value to art.Footnote 1 But Johnson’s critical approval always depends on the artistic realization of emotional states in the work in question. In response to the empty rantings of the plays, and the intellectual and scholastic contexture of his reasonings in verse, Johnson thought the poet Dryden, on the whole, not much acquainted with “the simple and elemental passions.” His great predecessor, he wrote, in a passage we shall return to later in this study, is “not often pathetick” (Lives, vol. ii, pp. 148–49). Nevertheless, one of the poems in the Lives of the Poets Johnson exalts most highly of all is Dryden’s Alexander’s Feast. This is the famous music ode of 1697 devoted to the headiest of emotional states, and Johnson is perhaps hinting that the rhapsodies of the poem, echoed in the exquisite musical setting by Handel, have dazzled perceptions. Johnson notes that “some of the lines are without correspondent rhymes” but this is a defect, he observes: “I never detected but after an acquaintance of many years, and which the enthusiasm of the writer might hinder him from perceiving.” If the “last stanza has less emotion than the former,” Johnson’s praise nevertheless remains exceptional: “The ode for St. Cecilia’s Day, perhaps the last effort of his poetry, has been always considered as exhibiting the highest flight of fancy, and the exactest nicety of art. This is allowed to stand without a rival. If indeed there is any excellence beyond it, in some other of Dryden’s works that excellence must be found” (Lives, vol. ii, p. 148). This pitch of esteem for any individual poem, here in harmony with the general judgment of mankind, is a rarity in the sometimes abrasive critical atmosphere of the Lives of the Poets. “Fancy,” “art” and especially the overall generous supply of “emotion” go together in Johnson’s appraisal.

At a different point on the judgmental and emotional scale, the failure of particular poems to make their readers weep (if only inwardly) when weeping is required can stir Johnson to unqualified critical disapproval and to assert his need for a full-out expression of sympathy and pity. In his “Life of Milton,” famously, Johnson is scathing on the poet’s pastoral fatuity in the fanciful artistry of his poetical elegy Lycidas. He objects that while ostensibly mourning the death of his college companion, Milton strikes a would-be elegiac note that is full of showy and distracting convention about imaginary flocks of sheep and their shepherds: “Where there is leisure for fiction there is little grief” (Lives, vol. i, p. 278). Again, in the “Life of Cowley,” the first of the Lives, Johnson can complain of the sterility of Cowley’s poem on the death of his friend William Hervey that “when he wishes to make us weep, he forgets to weep himself,” preferring to impress by clever imagery and chill metaphysical conceits (Lives, vol. i, p. 215). Johnson’s account of the deficiency of the Metaphysical school of poets is more generally that they refrigerate feeling – especially in the poems about love or death that precisely demand it. Such writers are like “Epicurean deities making remarks on the actions of men, and the vicissitudes of life, without interest and without emotion” (Lives, vol. i, p. 201). The fact that the Metaphysicals missed the “sublime” is a mark against them.

And Too Much

Examples from Johnson’s life and writing are significant outposts of this territory. As the corollary to Johnson’s wish for emotional incitements in poems, some of Johnson’s letters, the personal diaries, his annals and his private prayers to his Maker testify to an utterly merciless cycle of self-inspection revealing the core of his suffering humanity and his propensity to guilt and regret. His work on Shakespeare as an editor and a critic correspondingly displays the role of emotion in critical experience. The attention Johnson accords to Shakespeare supports his preferences in the Lives, and explains why emotionally impoverished writing must be taken to task.

When personal feelings arise in his own poetry, Johnson can seem to evade self-revelation. The major works of Johnson’s poetic oeuvre, London (first published anonymously in 1738) and the Vanity of Human Wishes (1749), are famously imitations of Latin originals. They are emotional proxies that displace personal feelings through their Juvenalian sources and the classical poet’s relentlessly caustic satire. But another form of self-fashioning is the personal emotion concealed within Johnson’s neo-Latin. An eloquent conduit for autobiographical experience is “In rivum a Mola Stoana Lichfeldiae diffluentum” (“On the stream flowing away from the Stowe Mill at Lichfield”) where Johnson in his final year of life recalls being taught to swim as a boy by his father. Evoking the constancy and change that shape any individual past experience, the poem first appeared posthumously in Johnson’s Works of 1787 and is a poignant masterpiece of restrained emotional capaciousness that admits but does not indulge the personal:

Errat adhuc vitreus per prata virentia rivus,
  Quo toties lavi membra tenella puer;
Hic delusa rudi frustrabar brachia motu,
  Dum docuit blanda voce natare pater.
Fecerunt rami latebras, tenebrisque diurnis
  Pendula secretas abdidit arbor aquas.
Nunc veteres duris periêre securibus umbrae,
  Longinquisque oculis nuda lavacra patent.
Lympha tamen cursus agit indefessa perennis,
  Tectaque qua fluxit, nunc et aperta fluit.
Quid ferat externi velox, quid deterat aetas,
  Tu quoque securus res age, Nise, tuas.
(Works vi, p. 342)

I do not agree with the editor of Johnson’s Latin poetry Niall Rudd that “charming” is the right description for this poem’s intensity and power.Footnote 2 In addition to his reworkings of a passage from the “Life of Pope” and the lines from Johnson’s review of Jenyns I have already discussed, David Ferry has movingly translated Johnson’s “In rivum” as “The Lesson – from the Latin of Samuel Johnson” (1993). The version focuses the potential of the Latin to express psychological self-searching (the swimming “lesson” becomes a moral one) and suggests the relation between past and present in the shift from wistful recollection to urgent reality. We are reminded of how much of the present is the past:

The stream still flows through the meadow grass,
As clear as it was when I used to go in swimming,
Not good at it at all, while my father’s voice
Gently called out through the light of the shadowy glade,
Trying to help me learn. The branches hung down low
Over those waters made secret by their shadows.
My arms flailed in a childlike helpless way.
And now the sharp blade of the axe of time
Has utterly cut away that tangle of shadows.
The naked waters are open to the sky now
And the stream still flows through the meadow grass.Footnote 3

There is the fondness of the memory, and there is the unbearableness of a recollection that cannot be admitted without overwhelming the writer. The tenderness and elegiac continence of the twentieth-century poem recur to its eighteenth-century Latin inspiration and sound a distinctive note. Christopher Ricks has conducted a detailed analysis of Ferry’s version of Johnson’s original where he explains Ferry’s complicated reconstruction of the spirit of the Latin in pointedly un-Johnsonian English.Footnote 4 Ferry omits the last lines addressing the remembrance to Nisus (the Virgilian pseudonym for Edmund Hector and a recollection of the schoolboy friendship the memory of which allegedly gave rise to the poem). But Ferry’s English adaptation is otherwise surprisingly close and is sufficiently keyed to the Latin to evoke the emotional consequence of the memory. Thus the repetition of the emphatic “Nunc” dividing off the second of the two mood-movements of the poem is reenacted in the “And now … the sky now” of Ferry’s own variety of estranged idiom. “He could be the more personal,” comments Ricks, “when he was not being nakedly so.”Footnote 5 The concomitant of the neo-Latin is the additional layer of Johnson’s response to the disruptive emotions stirred in gratitude to his father from this distance in life, the sorrow of old age and the loss of trusting innocence in a childhood world of long ago.

The real-life feelings of “In rivum” are filtered obliquely through the near-extinct artistry of neo-Latin in Johnson’s day. The Latin makes present emotion deriving from Johnson’s personal history possible to endure. “The great business of his life,” Boswell reports Reynolds citing Johnson, “was to escape from himself” (Boswell, vol. i, pp. 144–45), and anxiety about confronting his feelings holds Johnson’s untethered emotion in check when he is appraising the physical person of Pope or the death of Swift. But this is the Johnson hard up against all-too-true truths faced in the implacable finality of Ferry’s “sharp blade of the axe of time.” Such realism has frequently explained Johnson’s literary personality and his critical judgments, and this is directly expressed in his English prayers, diary entries, meditations and correspondence. Johnson experienced personal grief of the most painful kind when his wife died in 1752, once again on the death of his mother and a third time on the death of his friend Henry Thrale: “No death,” he wrote to Henry’s wife, Hester, “since that of my Wife has ever oppressed me like this” (Thursday April 5, 1781, Letters, vol. iii, p. 330).

It is on the death of his wife that this wave of emotion seems to have swept over Johnson and taken two years to subside. Boswell reports that on the night of his wife’s death, the Reverend Dr. Taylor found Johnson “in tears and in extreme agitation” (March 18, 1752, in Boswell, vol. i, p. 238). One year after she died, Johnson recorded on March 28, 1753, that “I kept this day as the anniversary of my Tetty’s death with prayer and tears in the morning.” On Easter Monday of the same year Johnson visited Tetty’s grave in Kent and said a prayer for her, and it is here, as the distancing effect of the Latin once more comes to his aid, that “Fluunt lacrymae.” Johnson’s prayer “In the Morning” after a second grief-stricken year (March 28, 1754) has at its head the same expression in painfully abbreviated form: “Fl. Lacr.” (Works i, pp. 50–54). Again, the prayer brings out the relation between Johnson’s personal lamentation and the intensity, even the agony, of his religious communion at a time of psychological crisis.

Loss of a different kind much later in life occurs when, having heard the shocking news that the widowed Mrs. Thrale was to marry the Italian musician Gabriel Piozzi, Johnson felt once again utterly bereft. The original letter from Johnson to Mrs. Thrale is preserved in the Hyde Collection of the Houghton Library at Harvard University, and the margins of the main text seem – to my eye – in places slightly smudged. I won’t insist that the run of the black ink on the paper is caused by the falling tears of a man weeping over what he is attempting to write – from the disappointment and reproach that the content of the letter undoubtedly expresses; but it is at least consistent with this possibility. After many years of intimate friendship, writing on June 30, 1784, Hester Thrale had sent Johnson an official announcement of her second marriage, begging Johnson’s pardon for having concealed the connection with Piozzi from him so far. On July 2, 1784, Johnson wrote back to Mrs. Thrale as follows:

Madam:

If I interpret your letter right, You are ignominiously married, if it is yet undone, let us talk together. If You have abandoned your children and your religion, God forgive your wickedness; if you have forfeited your Fame, and your country, may your folly do no further mischief.

If the last act is yet to do, I, who have loved you, esteemed you, reverenced you, and served you, I who long thought you the first of humankind, entreat that before your fate is irrevocable, I may once more see You. I was, I once was, Madam, most truly yours,

SAM. JOHNSON

(Friday July 2, 1784, Letters, vol. iv, p. 338)

However pompously unreasonable in content and tone, the letter registers an agony of betrayal that cuts to the quick. But then follows the hasty, anxious, poignant postscript, scribbled down the left margin of the page and oriented at right angles to the main text: “I will come down if you permit it.” (He means he will come from London “down” to Streatham, where Mrs. Thrale lived.) This addition in the wings of the letter seems as swiftly to quench the petulant outburst. It issues from the heart – is uttered in unmediated anguish, and suddenly artless compared with the letter itself and the rhetorical patterning of “if,” “I,” “who” and the accusatory “You” that resists, at least in the composure of the composing, an emotional disintegration. In a letter to Mary Manning, Samuel Beckett recalls Johnson’s grappling with the consciousness of his own powerful emotions on this same occasion. Beckett there describes Johnson’s “horrified love of Mrs Thrale” and “the whole mental monster ridden swamp.”Footnote 6 That there is an element of self-horror in Johnson’s reaction, horror at perceiving the capacity of his own emotion to engulf him, is the force of Beckett’s intuition.Footnote 7

Emotion in Art and Life

Such vulnerability to sensations of loss comes out in Johnson’s depictions of grief-stricken states in his other writings. In 1759 Johnson turned aside from the travails of his edition of Shakespeare to write Rasselas, which is a narrative fable, not quite a novel and not really a treatise, but at the pinnacle nevertheless of English literature’s capacity for philosophical consolation; it cannot be divorced from the personal sorrow and isolation that Johnson felt at this time. Here the Prince, having escaped from the putative “Happy Valley” in order to embrace the realities of the world, meets with the distinguished philosopher of Nature. He, having a short time ago lost his daughter, finds no consolation, at the moment when he needs it most, in his lifelong philosophical commitment to reason:

Rasselas, who could not conceive how any man could reason so forcibly without feeling the cogency of his own arguments, paid his visit in a few days, and was denied admission. He had now learned the power of money, and made his way by a piece of gold to the inner apartment, where he found the philosopher in a room half darkened, with his eyes misty, and his face pale. “Sir,” said he, “you are come at a time when all human friendship is useless; what I suffer cannot be remedied, what I have lost cannot be supplied. My daughter, my only daughter, from whose tenderness I expected all the comforts of my age, died last night of a fever. My views, my purposes, my hopes are at an end: I am now a lonely being disunited from society.”

(Works xvi, pp. 74–75)

“My daughter, my only daughter”: the repetition bespeaks agonizingly the initial unprocessed stages of pain. But for all the sympathetic sentiment we may extend to the bereaved, fictional or real, we don’t feel this emotional pain as we feel our own. It is common to humanity, but somehow peculiar to ourselves, an aspect of Johnsonian “general nature” yet unique in its characteristics, context and cause.

As a Mother Weeps over Her Babe

Such passages from Johnson’s own writings will explain the compassionate scholar who edited and evaluated the great master of humanity’s extensive emotional empire in 1765. The dialogue of Shakespeare, he tells us, is “level with life” (Works vii, p. 64). Shakespeare “has no heroes; his scenes are occupied only by men, who act and speak as the reader thinks that he should himself have spoken or acted on the same occasion.” Shakespeare holds up to his readers “a faithful mirrour of manners and of life.” He excels in “accommodating his sentiments to real life” and engaged in dramatic poetry “with the world open before him”; he caught his ideas “from the living world” while his plays seem “scarcely to claim the merit of fiction.” The reader of other dramatists, in encountering Shakespeare, “may be cured of his delirious ecstacies” by reading “human sentiments in human language” (Works vii, pp. 62–65, 69). The emotions of life and those of art are brought very close in these formulas, but there is no confusion of art and life as René Wellek once suggested there was. In an anecdote related by Stendhal, who thinks along lines similar to Johnson, the gallant soldier present during a performance of Shakespeare in the Baltimore theatre who rose, took out his pistol and shot the actor playing the part of Othello at the point where he “murders” Desdemona – so deludedly carried away by the performance was he – shows how the difference between responding to art and responding to life will not withstand a category mistake. As Johnson well knew, our sanity is at risk when we confuse the two.Footnote 8 But if Shakespeare “seems scarcely to claim the merit of fiction,” Johnson’s emphasis on “seems” is not one that all his contemporaries or successors would unequivocally share.

Having drawn up his shortlist of Shakespeare’s faults in the Preface to Shakespeare (1765; Works vii, pp. 59–113), Johnson turns to the commonplace charge that he has failed to observe the dramatic unities of time and place, rules conventionally prized from the time of Corneille and Racine as a guarantee of credibility and thus emotional intensity. We think of the extreme time disparities of the Winter’s Tale or the changes of place from Rome to Alexandria in Antony and Cleopatra. As readers or spectators we connect the remembered narrative with what is presently happening on the page, stage or screen, and respond without perplexity to the action, dialogue and human situations we witness.

Johnson’s exposure of the central fallacies is forthright, devastating and satirical and he suggests that while the theory of the unities is self-refuting it cannot be left to reveal its absurdity unaided:

It is false, that any representation is mistaken for reality; that any dramatick fable in its materiality was ever credible, or, for a single moment, was ever credited.

The objection arising from the impossibility of passing the first hour at Alexandria, and the next at Rome, supposes, that when the play opens the spectator really imagines himself at Alexandria, and believes that his walk to the theatre has been a voyage to Egypt, and that he lives in the days of Antony and Cleopatra. Surely he that imagines this may imagine more. He that can take the stage at one time for the palace of the Ptolomies, may take it in half an hour for the promontory of Actium. Delusion, if delusion be admitted, has no certain limitation …

(Works vii, pp. 76–77)Footnote 9

This leads to the second critical strategy of the passage. While “delusion, if delusion be admitted, has no certain limitation” (and Johnson admits nothing of the sort), “The truth is, that the spectators are always in their senses, and know, from the first act to the last, that the stage is only a stage, and that the players are only players”:

They come to hear a certain number of lines recited with just gesture and elegant modulation. The lines relate to some action, and an action must be in some place; but the different actions that compleat a story may be in places very remote from each other; and where is the absurdity of allowing that space to represent first Athens, and then Sicily, which was always known to be neither Sicily nor Athens, but a modern theatre.

(Works vii, p. 77)

The section in which the argument culminates makes in its own terms a very moving observation about the credibility of Shakespeare’s most emotionally compelling dramatic scenes:

It will be asked, how the drama moves, if it is not credited. It is credited with all the credit due to drama. It is credited, whenever it moves, as a just picture of a real original; as representing to the auditor what he would himself feel, if he were to do or suffer what is there feigned to be suffered or to be done. The reflection that strikes the heart is not, that the evils before us are real evils, but that they are evils to which we ourselves may be exposed. If there be any fallacy, it is not that we fancy the players, but that we fancy ourselves unhappy for a moment; but we rather lament the possibility than suppose the presence of misery, as a mother weeps over her babe, when she remembers that death may take it from her. The delight of tragedy proceeds from our consciousness of fiction; if we thought murders and treasons real, they would please no more.

(Works vii, p. 78)

Johnson employs the simile of the mother who weeps over her babe to delineate the precise sense in which artistic experiences distinct from situations in the actual world are nevertheless credible. Note the deployment here of the conditional mood of the verb (“may”) to signify the hypothetical, unreal condition having real effects in the present. The tears fall as the mother imagines an event that has not happened but still might. It is as if she had already endured the loss. The tears shed in expectation respond to her recognizing that her child must one day die. However, the event that the mother conceives is not the terminus of her child’s adult life but the possible premature death that is always a prospect in vulnerable infancy (and a commonplace real-world fact of eighteenth-century parental experience – as Johnson’s friend Mrs. Thrale was sadly awareFootnote 10). The premonition of grief is experienced as present emotion. And just as the sufferings she brings to mind belong to a future unrealized, so as we sit in the theatre (“always in [our] … senses”) it is a “fallacy” that the audience, any more than the players on the stage, are unhappy. Yet as we confront the ruling conditions of uncertain real life starkly dramatized, we do really “lament.” Being in one’s senses does nothing to diminish the role that predictive imagination has in Shakespeare’s artistic capacity to generate emotional scenes of non-delusive reality.Footnote 11

The Painful “Pleasure” of Grieving for Heroines

Johnson’s remarks on the dying of Cordelia reveal this vulnerability and make it harder to speak in general terms of tragic “delight.” They cut across, but do not eliminate, the intensity of sustained pleasure that Johnson undoubtedly felt when as a reader he experienced Lear, Hamlet or Othello. Johnson responds to the tragic climax of King Lear in guarded yet at the same time self-exposing terms quite alien to the scholarly decorums permitted to a modern editor of Shakespeare’s plays (he has been talking about the tendency of modern audiences to prefer the 1681 Nahum Tate adaptation where Lear’s daughter survives):

Cordelia, from the time of Tate, has always retired with victory and felicity. And, if my sensations could add any thing to the general suffrage, I might relate, that I was many years ago so shocked by Cordelia’s death, that I know not whether I ever endured to read again the last scenes of the play till I undertook to revise them as an editor.

(Works viii, p. 704)

“The mournful distraction of Ophelia,” Johnson writes of Hamlet, “fills the heart with tenderness” (Works viii, p. 1011), while in Othello “the soft simplicity of Desdemona, confident of merit, and conscious of innocence, her artless perserverance in her suit, and her slowness to suspect that she can be suspected,” yet murdered by her crazed husband (whose psychological realization Johnson greatly admires), is one of the “proofs of Shakespeare’s skill in human nature, as, I suppose it is vain to seek in any modern writer” (Works viii, p. 1047).

The depth of the pathos here is evident in Johnson’s response to other unfortunate heroines in Shakespeare’s most ambitious plays. “I am glad that I have ended my revisal of this dreadful scene,” writes Johnson of Desdemona: “It is not to be endured” (Works viii, p. 1045). The experience of both Othello and Lear is, however, endured, sufficiently at least to permit the shaping of his remarks, and though neither scene can be enjoyed without complication, Johnson is under the obligations of an editorial duty. He cannot fully give way to these feelings. But while he laments “the possibility … of misery” raised in stage performance by Lear, Othello and Hamlet, he cannot evade the “presence of misery” when he encounters the tragic text as an editor.

Nor is it clear he wants the plays other than they are. What happens has to happen. Johnson’s first-person language on Cordelia is modalizing, and it is unlike that of the critic John Dennis, whom he quotes, working with a concept of poetical justice that he cannot relinquish. Faced by the heroine’s death at the end of the play, the mind is too mazed to know quite what is wanted: “If my sensations could add”; “I might relate”; “I know not whether” are Johnson’s formulations. Johnson intimates his feelings; but he registers his distraction without apology for Shakespeare’s exorbitant vision in King Lear and he offers no censure, moral or aesthetic. As Fred Parker has noted, emotional disarray does not develop into devaluation. Shakespeare is the “poet of nature,” but Johnson is the only critic of his period to account for the full dark, barely bearable, horror of such scenes without condemning them a priori – as had, for example, Thomas Rymer, in his honest scorn for the raucous barbarity of Shakespeare’s Othello.Footnote 12 For Johnson the moments of desolation elevate the plays to which they belong, even as they hover on the brink of unnatural extremity or have us stare appalled into its depths.

Shakespeare is the dramatic artist who typically produces such scenes, and with the death of Cordelia we might suspect that he can carry even this heroine “indifferently” through right and wrong and at the close dismiss her “without further care.” Such an act of dramatic disregard, according to Johnson’s estimate in the Preface, goes down as a fault. Yet at this concluding moment Shakespeare seems all too dreadfully intent on the effects he contrives. Johnson, in response, is the reluctant but necessary advocate of the nature in theatrical art that humanity cannot reconcile. These instances qualify our sense of tragedy as a bearable experience, its bearableness being a precondition of any “delight.” Knowing that it is only a fiction does not undermine the credibility of drama; under the conditions of Shakespearean art, fictionality may do very little to mitigate the bewildering, terrible force of the plays:

Enter Lear with Cordelia in his armes

reads the stage direction in the final scene of the play. Lear:

                     She’s gone for ever.
I know when one is dead, and when one lives;
She’s dead as earth.
(v.iii.259–62)Footnote 13

“My daughter, my only daughter,” cries Johnson’s philosopher of Nature in a father-daughter bereavement echoed in Rasselas.

Diverted Feelings: The Comedy of Tragedy

For all his distress caused by the deaths of Cordelia, Desdemona and Ophelia, Johnson asks us to face full on the feelings they arouse. The haunting image of the mother who weeps over her babe looks ahead to the real-world domestic (paternal) tenderness of Johnson’s letters to Hester Thrale’s daughter, Queeney, and their solicitous tone, followed up in the correspondence after the devastating news of Hester’s second marriage.Footnote 14 But the passage from the Preface also links the credibility of tragic drama to a chaotic reality that refuses to divide laughter from tears. Disrupting the categories defined in the Heming and Condell folio, the plays are:

not in the rigorous and critical sense either tragedies or comedies, but compositions of a distinct kind; exhibiting the real state of sublunary nature, which partakes of good and evil, joy and sorrow, mingled with endless variety of proportion and innumerable modes of combination; and expressing the course of the world, in which, at the same time, the reveler is hasting to his wine, and the mourner burying his friend; in which the malignity of one is sometimes defeated by the frolick of another; and many mischiefs and many benefits are done and hindered without design.

(Works vii, p. 66)Footnote 15

Johnson means to be taken as loud and clear, but his sentence expands through the extent of the paragraph to chart the tensions that make “mingled” drama. As Johnson lets go the formal generic classifications, so the thought is amplified through the sequence of parallel clauses, unrolling a description of the texture of life from one semicolon to the next. When he imagines the bizarre coincidence of the reveller “hasting to his wine” as “the mourner is burying his friend,” it may not be clear that Johnson is thinking of any particular scene from Shakespeare but is allowing his attention to roam beyond the intervening text and to inhabit a world where the emotions of life and the emotions of art most naturally intersect.

In this connection, a note to the subsequent paragraph by Johnson’s editorial collaborator and successor George Steevens, printed with Johnson’s Preface in Edmond Malone’s 1821 Shakespeare, comments on Johnson’s statement that the “two modes of imitation, known by the names of tragedy and comedy,” are “compositions … considered so little allied, that I do not recollect among the Greeks or Romans a single writer who attempted both” (Works vii, p. 66). To supply what Johnson here cannot bring to mind, Steevens quotes the commentary on Aristotle by the scholar Thomas Twining, who invokes a plot from classical tragedy analogous to Johnson’s claims for the Shakespearean scenes:

The unlearned reader will understand me to allude particularly to the scene [in the Alcestis of Euripides], in which the domestick describes the behaviour of Hercules: and to the speech of Hercules himself, which follows. Nothing can well be of a more comick cast than the servant’s complaint. He describes the hero as the most greedy and ill-mannered guest he had ever attended, under his master’s hospitable roof; calling about him, eating, drinking, and singing, in a room by himself, while the master and all the family were in the height of funereal lamentation.Footnote 16

Johnson’s Shakespearean “mingled” drama offers an image of life containing many such preposterous situations, and it is by reference to this idea that Johnson makes approving allusion to three scenes from Hamlet, answering criticisms by Voltaire and by Dennis on the play’s departure from due decorum of character and genre. There is the early representation of the Danish “usurper” as a “drunkard,” the fact that “The play of Hamlet is opened, without impropriety, by two centinels” and the scene at the end of the play where “the Grave-diggers themselves may be heard with applause” (Works vii, pp. 65, 68, 69). By such means the sadness and sorrow that incite weeping in more uniformly tragic drama are checked or diverted by some ludicrous or incongruous turn of events, punning banter or clownish character. Feelings are not destroyed by counteraction, but made more intense.

The clash between Hamlet’s bitterness and grief over his dead father, and the drunken nighttime revels of King Claudius (i.iv) play out this habit of sudden emotional redirection. The noisy carousing is heard while Hamlet waits for the ghost of old Hamlet to appear, and where Hamlet’s comment to Horatio is caustic with a sense of his uncle’s vulgar impropriety:

The King doth wake to-night, and takes his rouse,
Keeps wassail, and the swagg’ring up-spring reels;
And as he drains his draughts of Rhenish down,
The kettle-drum and trumpet thus bray out
The triumph of his pledge.
(i.iv.8–12)

The burial of Hamlet’s father is alluded to almost immediately in the same scene. This comes in the challenge Hamlet mounts to the unburied spectre:

Let me not burst in ignorance, but tell
Why thy canoniz’d bones, hearsed in death,
Have burst their cerements; why the sepulchre,
Wherein we saw thee quietly [inurn’d,]
Hath op’d his ponderous and marble jaws,
To cast thee up again.
(i.iv.46–51)

The ensuing stage business whereby the ghost of Hamlet’s father urges Hamlet to swear on his sword that he will exact revenge manages to be at once awesome, horrible and comic.

“All pleasure,” writes Johnson at the conclusion of his defence of Shakespearean practice (in which the “pleasures” of tragic experience are exalted), “consists in variety” (Works vii, p. 67). Even as he had the available spaces of his emotional consciousness filled out to its periphery by painful events, Johnson nevertheless found the “highest pleasure that the drama can give” (Works vii, p. 111), and he acknowledged in his endnote to Hamlet that: “If the dramas of Shakespeare were to be characterized, each by the particular excellence which distinguishes it from the rest, we must allow to the tragedy of Hamlet the praise of variety” (Works viii, pp. 1010–11).Footnote 17 The dislocations of “mingled” drama are, then, an excitement to “pleasure,” and they are not to be wished away without evading the realities that make Shakespeare the poet of a nature not very reassuringly humane. This experience of an emotional landscape fully equal to nature’s desolation was the occasion for Johnson’s most sustained critical revolt against the parochial limitations of untranscended time.

“Unsentimental Pity”

Johnson, I have suggested, was conducted by Shakespearean “pleasure” to the terrible abysses of life’s “tragic plane” and its appalling absolutes and finalities.Footnote 18 Yet Johnson is a robust satirist of an Age of Sensibility: He comically parodied the emotive effusions of his friend the poet and critic Thomas Warton, and he subjected to ridicule some of the versified pathos and simpering sentiment fashionable among his contemporaries. But we have seen that Johnson is also the “Man of Feeling” himself; he is instinctively more emotional, and in his criticism far more demanding of emotion, than generally allowed. On a passage in Congreve’s Mourning Bride he wrote admiringly that the reader “feels what he remembers to have felt before, but … feels it with great increase of sensibility” (Lives, vol. iii, p. 72). This reaction must be held in tension with Johnson’s adverse response to excessive varieties of emotional exuberance; these stand in contrast with the qualities felt on the death of Queen Catherine in Act v, scene ii, of Shakespeare’s tragedy of Henry VIII: “This scene is above any other part of Shakespeare’s tragedies, and perhaps above any scene of any other poet, tender and pathetick, without gods, or furies, or poisons, or precipices, without the romantick circumstances, without improbable sallies of poetical lamentation, and without any throes of tumultuous misery” (Works viii, p. 653) – praise for Shakespeare, certainly, but a rebuke to the author of Hamlet (for the poison), King Lear (for the precipice) and perhaps Othello (for the “throes of tumultuous misery”).

The emotional Johnson is known for the black dog of melancholia and for the depression which forms “a kind of rust on the soul” (Rambler 47, Works iii, p. 258). But correctives to spiritual desolation were forever on his mind: “despair is criminal,” Johnson records at one low point in his personal diaries (Works i, p. 225).Footnote 19 As for tears, human wishes may seem vain, but while misery is part of life, never in his writings does Johnson come near to the bleak lacrimose effusions of (say) Tennysonian emotion. This is not because eighteenth-century men were any more proponents of the stiff upper lip than the great souls of Victorian sensibility. Theatre audiences were often ready with their handkerchiefs: Boswell reports a pleasing performance by Garrick where “I was fully moved, and shed abundance of tears.”Footnote 20 Johnson once confessed to crying as a schoolboy when moved up a form against his will (Works i, p. 18); in his adult years he wept many private tears for the loss of Tetty. Occasional outbursts of anger or irritation are recorded by his biographers, and extensive evidence of the disturbing forces at work at every level of his psyche. There are, however, few records of Johnsonian tearfulness in public life.

Johnson’s life, and his writings, reveal the extraordinary depths of compassionate sympathy for other people, and it is this that Ferry accurately calls Johnson’s “unsentimental pity.”Footnote 21 The experience of such pity is built into the sequence of the fifty-two “Lives” of the poets, and it is encompassed in Johnson’s movement between judgments of poems on emotionally demanding criteria and the lives of the poets who composed them.

Johnson’s account of the final stages of the life of William Collins indicates how our pitying attention may indeed be “unsentimental”:

The latter part of his life cannot be remembered but with pity and sadness. He languished some years under that depression of mind which enchains the faculties without destroying them, and leaves reason the knowledge of right without the power of pursuing it. These clouds which he perceived gathering on his intellects, he endeavoured to disperse by travel, and passed into France; but found himself constrained to yield to his malady, and returned. He was for some time confined in a house of lunaticks, and afterwards retired to the care of his sister in Chichester, where death in 1756 came to his relief.

(Lives, vol. iv, pp. 121–22)Footnote 22

He “found himself constrained to yield to his malady.” In the quiet respectfulness of this phrasing, Collins discovers within himself the loss of mind that Johnson places on record. This is a rational act of self-knowledge experienced with heartbreaking dignity and lucidity. Then follows the story of Collins’s mental self-ministrations and their ultimate failure. When he remembers Collins Johnson’s “pity and sadness” seem to forgo the healing of tears. But through this example of distressed humanity, known to him in life, Johnson renews his exposure to human misery with the same steady gaze; he must admit once again its inexplicable causes and defiance of justice.

Characteristic of Johnson the critic and biographer of poets is this acceptance of a human lot that no writer can evade; it is a recognition of the reality present in his stark accounts of the sufferings of Pope and Swift but always quite distinct from complicity in melancholic despair. As pervasive in Johnson’s criticism is his robust response to the poetry of the poets. This is sometimes overstated or perceived as dogmatic; but there is also, as we shall see, a measured respect for such a spirit in other critics and a delight in the sometimes bold expression of judgment, even at the cost of some delicacy and tact. In Part ii of this study we turn to contextual relations with two critics temperamentally different from Johnson in different ways. In both cases, however, there are surprising likenesses of character and method revealing of Johnson’s critical moods and guises. In the chapter which now follows we see how critical relations acted as a catalyst spurring Johnson to develop his views on Shakespeare, on Addison and on Pope. The opinions of the arch-contrarian John Dennis, even when they are at odds with Johnson’s, are here a necessary abrasive material striking the critically luminous spark.

Footnotes

Chapter 1 Johnson’s Compassion

1 David Ferry, “What Johnson Means to Me,” JNL, vol. 55, no. 2 (September 2004), pp. 7–10, at 7, reproduced as the final chapter of Samuel Johnson after 300 Years, ed. Greg Clingham and Philip Smallwood (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), pp. 262–67, at p. 265. For further discussion of the “underrated David Ferry” in connection with Johnson see Jeffrey Meyers, “Samuel Johnson and the Poetry of David Ferry,” JNL, vol. 72, no. 1 (March 2021), pp. 23–27.

2 Cf. Michael Ignatieff, The Ordinary Virtues: Moral Order in a Divided World (Cambridge, ma: Harvard University Press, 2017). For a collection of essays on the historical, theoretical and political meanings and dimensions of “compassion” see Kristine Steenbergh and Katherine Ibbett, eds., Compassion in Early Modern Literature and Culture: Feeling and Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021).

3 Originally published in David Ferry, On the Way to the Island (Middletown, ct: Wesleyan University Press, 1960), and reprinted in his Of No Country I Know: New and Selected Poems and Translations (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), p. 86. Reprinted here with the permission of the poet.

4 Lonsdale notes that Pope, impressed by Johnson’s London, tried through Lord Gower to recommend him for a degree at Dublin, but that in the letter, which Sir Joshua Reynolds was unwilling to show to Johnson, Pope mentioned Johnson’s “infirmity of the convulsive kind, that attacks him sometimes, so as to make Him a sad Spectacle.” See The Correspondence of Alexander Pope, ed. George Sherburn, 5 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956), vol. iv, p. 194 and n.; Lives, vol. iv, p. 236.

5 The Guardian, with Notes and Illustrations, 2 vols. (London, 1828), vol. ii, p. 32. In Guardian 92 (June 26, 1713) Pope appears as the “little poet”: “The figure of the man is odd enough: he is a lively little creature, with long arms and legs: a spider is no ill emblem of him” (vol. ii, p. 34).

6 The Twickenham Edition of the Poems of Alexander Pope, gen. ed. John Butt, 11 vols. (London: Methuen, 1939–69), vol. iv, p. 118.

7 From Blake’s Preface to Milton a Poem in 12 Books, in William Blake’s Writings, ed. G. E. Bentley, Jr., 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978), vol. i, p. 318.

8 Christopher Ricks, “David Ferry and the Shades of the Dead,” in Allusion to the Poets (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), p. 327.

9 Pope told Joseph Spence: “his perpetual application (after he had set to study of himself) reduced him in four years’ time to so bad a state of health that after trying physicians for a good while in vain, he resolved to give way to his distemper, and sat down calmly, in full expectation of death in a short time.” Joseph Spence, Observations, Anecdotes, and Characters of Books and Men Collected from Conversation, ed. James M. Osborn, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966), vol. i, p. 30.

10 The remark by Voltaire comes from his “Parallèle d’Horace, de Boileau et de Pope” (1764; first published 1761), in Oeuvres complètes de Voltaire, 52 vols. (Paris: Garnier Frères, 1843–85), vol. xxiv: Mélanges, vol. iii (1879), pp. 223–28, at 225n.

11 The printed text of the “Life” suggests that Pope’s weak and distorted physique meant that he was unable to perform the necessary cleansing of his posterior after defecating; the text of Johnson’s MS notes to Pope (Dyce Collection in the National Art Library, Victoria and Albert Museum, London) suggests the weakness of an incontinent person: “Very dirty abed.” Works xxiii, p. 1254. A detailed account of these notes, with transcription, can be found in Harriet Kirkley, A Biographer at Work: Samuel Johnson’s Notes for the “Life of Pope” (Lewisburg, pa: Bucknell University Press, 2002). For further detailed reflection on this passage see the analysis by Greg Clingham, Johnson, Writing, and Memory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), pp. 132–34. Clingham, to whose discussion I am indebted, observes that “the eloquent power of the passage arises … from Johnson’s knowledge of the near impossibility for the subject to represent bodily pain … This objectlessness, the complete absence of referential content, almost prevents it from being rendered in language. Bodily pain, therefore, more often than not makes for pathos rather than tragedy or satire” (p. 133).

12 The report had also appeared in the Universal Magazine, vol. 57 (August 1775), pp. 91–92.

13 Gentleman’s Magazine (September 1775), p. 435.

16 Footnote Ibid. Hearne was a diarist and antiquarian; Wanley was an Old English scholar and the first keeper of the Harleian Library.

17 Johnson’s MS notes to his “Life of Pope,” preserved in the Dyce Collection, has “one side contracted.” Works xxiii, p. 1254.

18 The Yale edition suggests that Johnson acquired certain details through conversations with Savage and the third Earl of Marchmont, both friends of Pope. Some observations that appear in the MS notes are left out of the “Life,” for example that Pope was “More helpless than a child of 5 years.” Works xxiii, p. 1254.

19 In the MS notes it is “Coarse linen.” Works xxiii, p. 1254.

20 The poem appears in Ferry’s collection Of No Country I Know, pp. 40–43.

21 “I took Moore’s poems and my own and some others, and went over them side by side with Pope’s, and I was really astonished (I ought not to have been so) and mortified at the ineffable distance in point of sense, harmony, effect, and even Imagination passion, and Invention, between the little Queen Anne’s man and us of the Lower Empire.” Byron to John Murray, September 15, 1817, in Byron: A Self-Portrait; Letters and Diaries 1798 to 1824, 2 vols., ed. Peter Quennell (London: John Murray, 1950), vol. ii, p. 167.

22 The insult appears in Dennis’s Reflections Critical and Satyrical, upon a Late Rhapsody, Call’d, An Essay upon Criticism (1711), in The Critical Works of John Dennis, ed. Edward Niles Hooker, 2 vols. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1939), vol. i, p. 415. Further quotations from Dennis’s criticism are taken from this edition and where appropriate are referenced parenthetically in the text, with the title Critical Works followed by volume and page numbers. I discuss Johnson’s attitude to Dennis’s treatment of Pope in more detail in Chapter 3.

23 Pope was quite willing to turn the portrait of his physical deformities to his personal, poetical and ironic advantage and to draw specific attention to them. For critically penetrating reflections on Pope’s portrayal of himself see Helen Deutsch, “Pope, Self, and World,” in The Cambridge Companion to Alexander Pope, ed. Pat Rogers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 14–24. Deutsch quotes the famous lines from Pope’s Essay on Man (Epistle ii, lines 1–18) beginning “Know then thyself, presume not God to scan” alongside Helen Vendler’s observation on the “strange genius-cripple” who “is looking at himself in his interior solitude.” Vendler, Poets Thinking: Pope, Whitman, Dickinson, Yeats (Cambridge, ma: Harvard University Press, 2004), p. 28.

24 One of the most recent of such critics is Colin Burrow, “Puppeteer Poet,” London Review of Books, vol. 44, no. 8 (April 21, 2022), pp. 31–34. Burrow’s first paragraph reminds you that Pope “was only four foot six and suffered from curvature of the spine in an age when physical disabilities were often taken to imply moral deformity” (p. 31).

25 Ferry, Of No Country I Know, pp. 42–43. The “Acknowledgments” page of the Chicago collection gives Slate Magazine (© 1997 Microsoft Corporation) as the original (online) source. In his essay “Samuel Johnson and the Poetry of David Ferry,” JNL, vol. 72, no. 1 (March 2021), pp. 23–27, Jeffrey Meyers concludes that “It is significant that the aged Ferry, so close to the end of his life, emphasises in these Johnsonian poems the infirmities of the helpless swimmer [a reference to Ferry’s translation of one of Johnson’s Latin poems he entitles “The Lesson,” discussed here in Chapter 2], the crippled poet and the dying woman” (p. 27). This explanation for Ferry’s engagement with Johnson might serve for the other two poems; but the poet of “Johnson on Pope” was thirty-six in 1960 when he printed the poem in On the Way to the Island.

26 Ferry, Of No Country I Know, p. 288.

27 John Milton, Paradise Lost, in The Poems of John Milton, ed. John Carey and Alastair Fowler (London and Harlow: Longman, 1968), p. 955.

28 Ferry, Of No Country I Know, p. 43.

29 John Hawkesworth, “An Account of the Life of Dr. Swift,” in his edition of the Works of Swift (London, 1755), pp. 30–31. Hawkesworth was in his turn indebted in this passage to the Remarks of John Boyle, Earl of Orrery (1752).

30 Hawkesworth, “An Account of the Life of Dr. Swift,” in Works of Swift, p. 31.

Chapter 2 “The tears stand in my eyes” Johnson and Emotion

1 Tolstoy writes of art’s defining characteristic being its capacity to “infect” the viewer, reader, or spectator. Count Leo Tolstoy, What Is Art and Essays on Art (1898), trans. Aylmer Maude (London: Oxford University Press, 1962), pp. 227–30.

2 Niall Rudd, trans. and ed., Samuel Johnson: The Latin Poems (Lewisburg, pa: Bucknell University Press, 2005), p. 9. For Rudd’s prose translation see pp. 121–22. David F. Venturo very eloquently captures the “touching and delicately ironic conclusion” to the poem in his discussion of the allusion to Nisus and Euryalus from Virgil’s Aeneid, and in his observation that Johnson “provides consolation in the face of … painful change by noting that, in spite of the transformation of the landscape, the tireless stream continues uninterrupted along its perennial course.” Johnson the Poet: The Poetic Career of Samuel Johnson (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1999), pp. 137–38.

3 David Ferry, Of No Country I Know: New and Selected Poems and Translations (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), p. 199. The poem first appeared as “The Lesson, Adapted from the Latin of Samuel Johnson” in Raritan, vol. 5, no. 4 (Spring 1986), p. 146. It is reprinted with the kind permission of the poet.

4 Ferry’s note to the poem in Of No Country I Know expresses a debt to the prose translation of E. L. McAdam, Jr., in the Yale edition, Works vi, p. 289. But Ricks’s rendering of the last line of the Latin, strategically omitted in Ferry’s version, appears more accurate than that of McAdam. For Johnson’s “Tu quoque securus res age, Nise, tuas” McAdam has “Whatever the haste of a stranger carries off, or old age wears away, may your life also, Nisus, move serenely on.” Works vi, p. 343. Ricks’s prose rendering of the final line is “You also, Nisus, heedless of what swift time brings from outside or what it wears away, do what is yours to do” – a version that does more to respect the force of Johnson’s “tuas.” See Ricks, Allusion to the Poets (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), p. 338.

5 Ricks, Allusion to the Poets, p. 336.

6 Beckett’s letter to Manning, July 11, 1937, as quoted in Mark Nixon, Samuel Beckett’s German Diaries (London: Continuum, 2011), p. 127. The original of the letter, regrettably absent from the recent four-volume Cambridge edition, is held in the Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center at the University of Texas at Austin. Beckett had a deep and longstanding interest in Johnson’s complex emotional character, and his Human Wishes represents an attempt to write a play about the Johnson–Thrale relationship. For an excellent discussion of Beckett’s interest in Johnson see Frederick N. Smith, Beckett’s Eighteenth Century (New York: Palgrave, 2002), pp. 110–31.

7 Commentators have sometimes suggested that Johnson might have felt jealousy at Mrs. Thrale’s attachment to Piozzi and had hoped to marry her himself. Given their difference in ages, however, it seems as likely that his concern was paternal. Hester was forty years old when Thrale died in 1781; Johnson was by then in his seventies.

8 The anecdote is related by Stendhal’s persona of the “Romantique.” See Racine et Shakspeare (1823–25), in Oeuvres complètes de Stendhal, ed. Pierre Martino and Victor Del Litto, new. ed., 50 vols. (Paris: Librairie Ancienne Honoré Champion, 1970), vol. xxxvii, pp. 15–16. For the historian of ideas René Wellek, Johnson “is one of the first great critics who has almost ceased to understand the nature of art, and who, in central passages, treats art as life.” A History of Modern Criticism: 1750–1950, 8 vols. (London: Cape, and New Haven, ct: Yale University Press, 1955–92), vol. i: The Later Eighteenth Century, p. 79.

9 Johnson’s use of the term “delusion” is precise and significant. In his Dictionary he defines “delusion” as “1. A cheat; guile; deceit; treachery; fraud; collusion; falsehood” and “2. A false representation; illusion; errour; a chimerical thought.” “Illusion” he defines as “Mockery; false show; counterfeit appearance; errour.” There are clearly overlaps between the two terms; but Claude Rawson is writing a little incautiously when he says that Johnson “was impervious on principle to the force of dramatic illusion.” See “Art and Money,” review of Judith Milhous and Robert D. Hume, The Publication of Plays in London 1660–1800, TLS (March 4, 2016), pp. 24–25, at 24. The term Johnson uses, “not dogmatically but deliberatively” (or “deliberately”), Works vii, p. 80, is not “illusion” but “delusion.”

10 Only four of Mrs. Thrale’s twelve children survived to adulthood.

11 In his discussion of this passage Fred Parker observes that “The act of imagination [by the mother] is indispensable; but it ends in ‘the stability of truth’” (Works vii, p. 62). Johnson’s Shakespeare (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), p. 97. See also the examination of the passage by Greg Clingham, “Playing Rough: Johnson and Children,” in New Essays on Samuel Johnson: Revaluation, ed. Anthony W. Lee (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2018), pp. 161–91, at 171.

12 A Short View of Tragedy (1692), in The Critical Works of Thomas Rymer, ed. Curt A. Zimansky (New Haven, ct, and London: Yale University Press, 1956), pp. 82–175. I have in mind Rymer’s (justified) outrage at the opening scenes of the play in which Brabantio is so cruelly bated: “The first we see are Jago and Roderigo, by Night in the Streets of Venice. After growling a long time together, they resolve to tell Brabantio that his Daughter is run away with the Black-a-moor … But beside the Manners to a Magnifico, humanity cannot bear that an old Gentleman in his misfortune should be insulted over with such a rabble of Skoundrel language, when no cause or provocation” (pp. 136–38).

13 The Riverside Shakespeare, 2nd ed., The Complete Works, ed. G. Blakemore Evans et al. (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1997). Quotations from Shakespeare in this chapter are from this edition.

14 See especially the letters to Hester Maria Thrale of Saturday July 3, 1784, and Tuesday July 6, 1784, Letters, vol. iv, pp. 339–40.

15 In their Preface to the First Folio Edition of Shakespeare’s Plays (London, 1623), John Heming and Henry Condell had divided Shakespeare’s plays into “Tragedies,” “Comedies” and “Histories.”

16 Edmond Malone, ed., Works of Shakespeare, 10 vols. (London, 1821), vol. i, p. 66.

17 It was as a little boy – spooked by reading the scene with the ghost in Hamlet – that Johnson rushed upstairs to the street from the kitchen of his father’s shop in the center of Lichfield, “that he might see people about him.” “Piozzi’s Anecdotes,” in Johnsonian Miscellanies, ed. George Birkbeck Hill, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1897), vol. i, p. 158. Yet even in 1765, now a grown man in his fifties, Johnson can write in his endnote to the play of the apparition that in the first act of Hamlet “chills the blood with horror.” Works viii, p. 1011.

18 I take the expression from H. A. Mason’s attempt to define “tragedy” in The Tragic Plane (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985).

19 April 14, 1775, 10:30 p.m. For commentary on Johnson’s depression (including speculation, and a response to speculation, about his neuroses and sexuality) see Donald Greene, “‘A Secret Far Dearer to Him than His Life’: Johnson’s ‘Vile Melancholy’ Reconsidered,” AJ, vol. iv (1991), pp. 1–40.

20 James Boswell, May 12, 1763, in Boswell’s London Journal, 1762–1763, ed. Frederick A. Pottle (London: Book Club Associates, 1974), p. 257.

21 “David Ferry, What Johnson Means to Me,” JNL, vol. 55, no. 2 (September 2004), pp. 7–10.

22 Lonsdale points out that Johnson’s “character” of Collins originally appeared in the Poetical Calendar, vol. xiv (December 1763), pp. 110–12. Lives, vol. iv, p. 407.

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