The pursuit of efficiency has been a central force in shaping human societies, influencing various developments from machinery to the organization of public institutions. This same drive for efficiency was the underlying motive in the New Public Management (NPM) model, which aimed to make governments more pragmatic, business-like and market-oriented. NPM marked a shift away from the traditional model of civil service delivery toward public-private partnerships and the privatization of various services. This transformation gave rise to the “contract state,” increasing dependence on consultants within the public sector (p. 55). This evolution has not only raised questions about the quality of services and accountability but also sparked concerns about the democratic process itself, leaving us to ask: who is actually making the decisions?
The Consulting Trap by Chris Hurl and Leah B. Werner answers this question by offering a compelling analysis of how transnational professional service firms (TPSFs) have entrenched themselves within government structures under the guise of efficiency. The authors provide a detailed narrative demonstrating how TPSFs established deep roots and extracted significant profits while remaining shielded from accountability under the cloak of “commercial sensitivity” (p. 23). This lack of transparency continues to allow them to operate with minimal oversight, thereby compromising democratic governance and public sector integrity. The power of these firms creates a vicious cycle that erodes democratic decision-making and accountability over time (p. 10).
The book further highlights how TPSFs, despite skepticism from both inside and outside traditional public service circles, have managed to expand in scale and influence, fundamentally reshaping the public sector. Positioned as standard setters (p. 41), they wield immense power, not only advising on policy but also shaping regulations that favour their interests. The TPSFs act as architects of tax avoidance strategies (p. 61) for their wealthy clients while simultaneously drafting the rules that govern both their clients and themselves, creating a scenario where their influence primarily serves their own benefit, often at the cost of the public sector.
Hurl and Werner effectively argue that these firms have created a self-perpetuating cycle of dependency (p. 111). As public agencies increasingly rely on TPSFs, they lose their capacity to deliver essential services. This erosion of internal expertise makes public institutions more vulnerable, further entrenching TPSFs as indispensable actors in the administration of governments (p. 84). These firms leverage their vast networks and access to information across various domains and regions, amplifying their control over public service delivery.
What sets The Consulting Trap apart is its dual focus: not only does it critique the systemic flaws and undue power of TPSFs, but it also empowers readers by highlighting the potential for local resistance and citizen activism. The authors illustrate how communities and local governments can challenge the authority of these firms and strive for a reassertion of democratic values in public service provision. The book serves as a practical guide for citizens and activists who seek to resist the commodification of public administration and reclaim decision-making power.
One of the book’s most compelling examples comes from Toronto, where city councillors, public workers and residents successfully pushed back against KPMG’s recommendations to slash essential services. By means of a 25-hour deputation process, they demonstrated that community members often possess more relevant and nuanced insights into their own needs than high-paid consultants.
Furthermore, Hurl and Werner uncover the “professional” conundrum of TPSFs by highlighting the contradictory nature of being assumed to be experts without having secured professional accreditation. While other occupations such as medicine or law require accreditation, the TPSFs have managed to get by without fulfilling that requirement, leading to the authors critiquing them as “slippery” (p. 13).
While recognizing the significance of professional accreditation (pp. 13, 140), the book falls short of articulating best practices or advancing policy recommendations for governmental adoption. Although it elucidates various policy programs that have been implemented (p. 140), an exploration of best practices could have edified the public not merely on methods of resistance, but also offered insights into the policies required for systemic transformation. For instance, a compelling argument could have been advanced for the self-regulation of the consulting profession via third-party intermediaries, which would serve to enhance the regulatory framework for consultants in the public sector. By integrating comprehensive policy recommendations, the book could have substantially augmented the public’s understanding of how consultants might be regulated more effectively by governmental bodies. Resistance, in this context, should be perceived as a means to an end; the ultimate objective must be the comprehensive transformation of the prevailing system itself.
The Consulting Trap offers a powerful critique of the influence TPSFs wield over governments and the dangers this poses to democracy. The book is essential reading for anyone concerned about the future of public services and the capacity of governments to maintain independence and accountability. By urging citizens to challenge the dominance and supposed expertise of TPSFs, Hurl and Werner provide a blueprint for reclaiming democratic processes and rebuilding a transparent and accountable public sector.
