This paper explores the implementation and enduring significance of the German language program in Milwaukee Public Schools between 1867 and 1918. Despite the German language program facing challenges, notably the Bennett Law of 1889—which sought to restrict foreign language instruction statewide—the program persisted, highlighting the tension between local identity and state mandates. This study argues that the creation of the German course initiated a process of consolidation and standardization in Milwaukee Public Schools, shifting decision-making to school administrators who sought to accommodate the largest cultural group in Milwaukee. This case study of the Milwaukee Public Schools’ German Language Program reveals how school policies prioritized a multilingual approach to Americanization. The paper is structured in three sections, examining the evolution of language policy, the political implications of the Bennett Law, and the post-Bennett landscape of language education, ultimately demonstrating the interplay between consolidation and cultural inclusivity.

Although Philadelphia’s nineteenth-century public school system was praised by some contemporaries for its efficient administration, the city’s sudden embrace of clinical discourse and “bottom-up” hygienic initiatives between 1896 and 1898, along with critical reports on poor sanitary conditions by the early 1910s, suggest underlying structural issues. This paper contributes to the material history of education by examining the organizational context of Philadelphia’s school construction efforts, focusing on overcrowding and ventilation problems. Drawing from statistical data, works on school architecture, and a sample of representative school buildings, I argue that the city’s legacy of early Lancasterian designs, inconsistent architectural standards, decentralized school construction, and conflicts between local and central authorities hindered compliance with sanitary standards, compromising the health of teachers and pupils. Philadelphia’s lag in sanitary provisions in comparison to other US cities underscores the material consequences of these conflicts, shedding light on the city’s late-1890s push for clinics and dispensaries.

This article examines the history of learning disabilities (LDs) on college campuses, from the introduction of the concept in the early 1960s to its spread throughout American higher education during the 1990s. At first, colleges offered relatively little assistance and urged students to compensate for their LDs by working harder and adopting recommended study strategies. After legal and institutional pressures compelled faculty members to provide accommodations for greater numbers of students, many professors worried about the legitimacy of the diagnosis and the possible threat to academic standards. While casting a somewhat sympathetic light on these concerns, the article concludes that many elements of this early set of accommodations were eventually regarded as pillars of competent instruction. This history illuminates the complex tension between institutional support and student responsibilities and the murky distinction between individual accommodations and universally-effective teaching.

This History of Education Society Presidential Address considers Blackfoot education and how psychologist Abraham Maslow attempted to make sense of it after his six-week stay at the Siksika reserve in 1938. Maslow encountered an educated, secure people at Siksika, who had a fully formed system of education grounded in reverence for children, stories, ceremonies, songs, language, humor, land, and connection, all of which had been tested over millennia. Though he might not have been able to interpret what he was seeing and hearing as fully as would a member of the Blackfoot community, what he experienced stuck with him, and can be read as the basis for the theories he presented as the hierarchy of needs and self-actualization. As Maslow learned, Blackfoot history is an education history, which Blackfoot Elders sought to document and keep for generations not yet born.

This paper reconsiders long-standing debates in Canada about the relationship between language, race, and culture. Federal policies focused on official bilingualism (1969) and multiculturalism (1971) animated local movements of parents, students, and other community members demanding greater linguistic and racial inclusion in schools. This paper examines two instances of these grassroots politics, namely activism on behalf of heritage-language education and Black cultural-heritage programs, in Toronto, Ontario, between 1970 and 1987. Our analysis reveals key instances in which temporary forms of solidarity emerged between heritage-language and Black activism, as well as contradictory trajectories in this activism that undermined what Roseann Liu and Savannah Shange have theorized as “thick solidarity.” In this paper, we argue that absences of thick solidarity ultimately weakened efforts by heritage-language and Black activists alike to reorganize schools in ways that were more linguistically and racially just.

This paper compares concerted efforts to unify early instructional practice in the US in the early twentieth century and in the twenty-first century. The first effort began with the founding of the National Council for Primary Education in 1915; the second began in 2005 with calls for pre-K-3 alignment. Analysis of relevant sources indicates that today’s unifiers are attempting to achieve three of the same goals that their predecessors pursued in 1915: increased child activity, teacher autonomy, and use of early instructional practices up through grade 3. During the early twentieth century, kindergarten served as both the model for the upward extension of activity-based early instructional practice into the early primary grades and the locus of efforts to defend against the downward extension of skill-based elementary practice from the primary to the lower levels. During the second round of unification in the twenty-first century, however, preschool has become the model for extending and the locus of defending early instructional methodology.

The Highlander Nursery School, run by the Highlander Folk School from 1938 to 1953, provided no-cost early care and learning to the white working-class children of Summerfield, Tennessee. While Highlander is best known as a democratic education and movement-building hub that builds adults’ capacity to shape labor and racial justice in their communities, it has also facilitated programs for young people, including a nursery school. The Highlander Nursery School functioned as a cooperative institution that relied on the material and conceptual support of local residents, serving as a depoliticized entry point for families who might otherwise have been antagonistic toward Highlander’s pro-union and pro-civil rights agenda. This article aims to understand how the complexity of Highlander’s political vision for grassroots leadership, cooperation, and radical social change was expressed in and through the nursery school, an institution that teachers, local children, and their families worked together to sustain.

This article describes the multifaceted origins and dynamics of pedagogic progressive educational ideas among Mormon educators in the Utah Territory during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. We propose four principal avenues through which progressive educational ideas reached these Mormon educators. These include the exigencies of desert frontier living that predisposed early Utah Mormons to progressivism’s focus on practical education; the arrival of denominational schools sponsored by the New West Education Commission (NWEC), which sparked educative improvement within Mormon communities; the Pestalozzian teachings of Karl Maeser via the Brigham Young Academy’s Normal School; and the visits of eastern progressive educationalists through Benjamin Cluff’s leadership at the BYA Summer Institutes. We additionally situate nineteenth-century national perceptions of Mormon educational ideas within this more nuanced backdrop of the migration of progressive ideas to Utah. We describe unique dimensions of Mormon educational progressivism that might set it apart from educational progressivisms elsewhere, including tensions within Utah’s Mormon educative community.

In 1946, the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) was formed to promote peace through education and cross-cultural understanding. In the postwar atomic age, American leaders saw UNESCO and education for world citizenship as critical to the prevention of future war, the promotion of a new pluralistic vision, and the development of a well-informed society. A hyper-local case study, this article follows the story of Milton S. Eisenhower, leading UNESCO delegate and president of Kansas State College, and the series of progressive reforms he pursued to promote democracy, citizenship, and global peacebuilding at a rural land-grant college in the center of the former “isolationist belt” of America. This article traces the impact of these curricular reforms, the UNESCO campus-community partnership they inspired, and the subsequent peacebuilding movement that agitated for humanitarian action, civic participation, and desegregation from 1947 to 1950.

The article examines the challenges that urban teachers faced in unitary systems, where students of different ages and educational levels shared the same classroom and were taught by a single teacher. It aims to compare these challenges across several cities including Alicante, Badajoz, Cádiz, Canary Islands, Málaga, and Zaragoza to determine common issues within Spain. The study is based on sixteen technical reports from 1916 to 1926 and uses qualitative methods to analyze teachers’ narratives for deeper insights. Additionally, a literature review and quantitative analysis of Spanish statistical sources were conducted. Key findings highlight parental disinterest as a significant cause of school absenteeism. The article concludes by stressing the importance of understanding historical educational contexts in informing current educational policies and practices.

The arrival of COVID-19 in the US during the spring of 2020 cast a spotlight on the issue of vaccinations and their efficacy. School closures and school vaccination policies were among the most contentious arenas of debate as parents, teachers, and policymakers wrestled with how best to respond to the pandemic. Disease in school is not a new topic—our nation has previously faced outbreaks of influenza, polio, measles, and more. A look at the past can teach us much about how to understand the passionate, and sometimes partisan, views about school vaccination. Outside of schools, the anti-vax movement has enjoyed greater visibility and support even as public health officials emphasize the importance of herd immunity and broad vaccinations. The confirmation of Robert F. Kennedy Jr. as Health and Human Services secretary in February of this year makes it likely that the issues of school vaccination and immunization policy will continue to be vigorously debated.

This essay examines academic freedom in Chile under the 1980s Pinochet military dictatorship. While much has been written on the topic, the literature is fragmented and difficult to access owing to the diverse range of stakeholders involved. Historians have tended to explore single cases, actors, and institutions to highlight struggles with the Chilean dictatorship. Bringing their stories together and assessing them collectively, however, sheds new light on this episode of academic freedom. It captures collaboration among students, faculty, and the public across multiple settings that has not yet been adequately explored by existing literature. Through an analysis of secondary and primary sources—including monographs, journal articles, government reports, newspaper articles, and Spanish-language publications—this essay traces a collaborative turn during the dictatorship that occurred separately among students, faculty, and the public as well as between those groups. It thus offers insight into the Chilean experience during the 1980s and the cooperative efforts to protect academic freedom.

For decades, transnational knowledge circulation in relation to schooling in Ireland has been a neglected area of study among historians. This paper provides new insights through a transnational lens on primary, secondary, and vocational curriculum developments in the first decade following the advent of national independence in the country in 1922. During this period, key policy-makers largely rejected progressive educational ideas circulating internationally and promoted curricula and pedagogy in primary and secondary schools that reflected the new nation’s deeply conservative Catholic nature and nationalist ethos. While initial signs indicated that developments in vocational education might head in a different direction, ultimately, more progressive educational ideas circulating internationally were excluded from that sector as well. At all levels of the education system, the hegemony of the Catholic Church and other contextual factors resulted in traditional and conservative curricula that underpinned policy and practice until the 1960s.

What’s the point of going to college? Does it matter where you go? And is it worth the cost? As more Americans and people around the globe enroll in higher education, such questions are being asked with increasing frequency. Scholars have answers, yet those answers depend a great deal on the methods being used to explore the questions. Economists, for instance, bring a particular set of tools to the task, as well as a general set of assumptions and beliefs. Historians, too, come armed with the instruments of disciplinary inquiry and can end up with quite different conclusions. So what would happen if we brought them together to talk through research questions of interest to their respective academic “tribes”?

For this Policy Dialogue, the HEQ editors asked historian Bruce Kimball and economist Rob Toutkoushian to reflect on disciplinary traditions, debates over higher education finance, and what makes college worthwhile. Kimball has taught at the University of Houston, Yale University, and the University of Rochester and is a professor emeritus at Ohio State University. He has published several books on the history of liberal education and professional education, particularly legal education. His latest book, co-authored with Sarah Iler, is Wealth, Cost, and Price in American Higher Education (John Hopkins University Press, 2023). Toutkoushian is a professor of higher education at the University of Georgia specializing in economic theories and quantitative methods. He has served as executive director of the Office of Policy Analysis in the University System of New Hampshire and as editor of Research in Higher Education. As a scholar, Toutkoushian has published more than sixty peer-reviewed publications on such topics as higher education finance, compensation, demand, and policy analysis.

HEQ Policy Dialogues are, by design, intended to promote a casual, free exchange of ideas between scholars. At the end of the exchange, we offer a list of references for readers who wish to follow up on sources relevant to the discussion.

The history of student activism during the twentieth century in both K-12 and higher education contexts has a robust literature base; however, Native American student activism has largely been overlooked by historians of education. Predating the well-known American Indian Movement (AIM) by nearly a decade, the National Indian Youth Council (NIYC) successfully created an organizing base during the 1960s from which other Indigenous activist movements emerged, many of which still operate today. By focusing their efforts on student-run publications, direct action, and community-run education, the Indigenous college students and young adult activists constituting the NIYC contributed significantly to a larger social movement opposing and ultimately upending the federal policies of termination imposed on American Indian tribes that lasted from 1953 to 1970.