[fo. 1] Cleopatra at sea, June 5^th, 1837

From Valparaiso, where we arrived on the 10^th of last month, […] I went up to Santiago, the Capital of Chile, with Eden, and Captain Gosselman of the Swedish Navy. In Santiago I remained only eight days […] On my return to the ship I found that the Blonde Footnote ⁴⁹⁰ had arrived from Peru, and on the 3^rd of June […] I sailed, by the orders of Commodore Mason,Footnote ⁴⁹¹ for Callao […] [but] I will now endeavour to give a ‘resumé’ as far as my memory will allow me of this short visit to Chile […]

The first view of Valparaiso on entering the bay presents nothing very interesting, and to a sailor desirous of a snug anchorage for his ship after a long and tempestuous passage, the crowd [fo. 2] of vessels huddled into a corner give anything but a comfortable prospect […] Having been forewarned, I took every precaution and anchored so that no other vessel could get foul of me, and it was lucky that I did so as three days before I sailed, we experienced a heavy gale from the North in which many vessels dragged their anchors and one, a French ship of 400 tons, was thrown on the beach […] The town of Valparaiso is built at the foot of a range of very high hills, which leave only room between their base and the sea for a long straggling town extending for nearly a league. The Custom house, a new and respectable looking building, faces the wooden mole at which you land [and is] said to be constructed out of the old Doris Footnote ⁴⁹² frigate sold here as rotten. The principal street, running west towards the plaza and east towards the AlmendralFootnote ⁴⁹³ or suburb, presents very much the appearance of an English seaport town. The Counting houses of the merchants, shops, public houses &c. and all the bustle attendant upon the thriving commerce of this port, give it a busy appearance[;] indeed, it has nothing of [fo. 3] Spanish about it, and were it not for meeting occasionally a mounted ‘Guasso’Footnote ⁴⁹⁴ (countryman) with his extraordinary saddle of sheep skins, his wooden stirrups and his own peculiar costume of Poncho & botas with large iron spurs about 5 inches in diameter, you might still fancy yourself in the neighbourhood of Liverpool […] [S]carcely any, or rather, I should say, not one of the houses at Valparaiso is built of stone or bricks, as the constant earthquakes render solid constructions much more dangerous than those built either of canes and earth, or of what is most common ‘adobes’ earth worked up to something like bricks but larger, and which give to the movement of the earthquake. The ruins of the church built of brick and stone, which fell in the great shock of 1823, crushing about 50 people, remains as a warning against solid buildings. The lower orders live in huts built in the quebradas and on the hills[. T]hree of the latter are famous from the names given them by the sailors, viz: Fore, Main and Mizzen tops which are not badly applied from their respective positions. In these places, Jack, with money in his pocket, finds fiddles, grog and other delights [fo. 4] which constitute his happiness at a moderate price[;] indeed, the temptations for seamen are so great that few vessels leave this place without finding it necessary to tighten the reins of discipline after the demoralising effects of the Tops. The Main top, with its famous public house the haunt of Charly Paget of the Samarang, a picture of which ship it bears as its sign[,] is regarded by the sailors as fondly as the most favourite of their haunts [at home] […] The population of Valparaiso, said now to consist of about 30,000 souls, [has] a great number of foreigners, and is daily increasing[;] in 1810, when the cry for independence was first heard 6,000 was an ample allowance and in 1819, when it was finally achieved, it did not exceed twelve.

[fo. 5] On the 13^th of May our party […] left Valparaiso about three in the afternoon on horseback under the guidance of a ‘Capatas’ (or person who provides horses and directed the movements of the journey) and set out for Casa Blanca, a distance of ten leagues, where we intended to pass the night […] [A]fter a delightful ride, we reached the inn in the village. The landlord, an Englishman, soon provided us a very tolerable dinner and gave some very good wine […] My bed, into which I very soon retired, was freer from ‘pulgas’ [fleas] than might have been expected and when my coxswain (Beeding) awoke me next morning at four o'clock I felt very unwilling to turn out […] [fo. 6] About four leagues from Casa Blanca we began to ascend the winding road over the ‘Cuesta de Zapala’, a mountain of a considerable height […] At 10 o'clock we reached the small village of Bastamante, ten leagues from Santiago and two thirds of the whole distance, [and] here our patience was put very much to the test, having to wait nearly two hours for our breakfast consisting of bad tea and the famous dish of the country called the Cazuela, resembling in some degree an Irish stew, though made of fowls instead of mutton […]

[fo. 7] My dog, Pilot, who had run the whole way with us[,] did not show the least sign of being tired until we began to mount the last ‘cuesta’, that of ‘Prado’ […] The depth of the ravines which are passed by this road [is] magnificent and [they are] wooded to the very bottom. The path, in some places only sufficiently broad for one horse to pass[,] would be dangerous on anything but a very sure footed beast. On reaching the top, the Cordillera, of which we had only had occasional glimpses since leaving the Coast, opened out upon us in all its magnificence […] We were still eight leagues from the city of Santiago[,] which was plainly seen, appearing as [if] it were a village at the very foot of the mountain, when in reality it contains 60,000 inhabitants […]

[fo. 8] It was too dark to see much of the town upon entering it, and we were all too glad to reach the house of Colonel Walpole,Footnote ⁴⁹⁵ the Consul General, who although himself at Valparaiso had ordered beds & dinner to be prepared for us. Gosselman, the prince of selfishness[,] seized upon the room destined for Eden, much to the dismay of the servant who did not know how to dislodge him and to the great rage of Walpole himself when he afterwards heard of it. Some of the principal merchants called upon us after dinner and arranged rooms for Eden and my Cousin, as the Capital of Chile only boasts of one inn called the ‘Posada Inglesa’ into which one would hardly put a dog, so dirty and beastly was it. Thanks to a good fire in the Consul's drawing room we did not feel the cold, which, after the sun had set I had found extremely piercing […]

[fo. 9] The field of battle, where San Martin conquered the Spaniards and finally accomplished the independence of Chile,Footnote ⁴⁹⁶ is in sight from the town, and is always the first shown to strangers[. W]e also made an excursion to visit a suspension bridge over the MaipúFootnote ⁴⁹⁷ of which the Chilenoes are very proud; its curiosity consists of being made of hide, and you never hear them mention two very strong chains which, most materially, assist in rendering the passage safe over the rapid stream. Until you see the chains and find yourself swinging upon this most insecure looking bridge, you are not inclined to remain long on it.

[fo. 10] […] I did not go much into the native society, as I had nearly forgotten the little Spanish I had learnt at Buenos Ayres; I have however again begun to work hard and hope soon to gain confidence. I had hoped to have met here an old friend of Rio and Buenos Ayres, Count Streleski, a Pole, but he was exploring the mines of Coquimbo.Footnote ⁴⁹⁸

The town of Santiago […] has nothing particular in the way of public buildings[. T]he streets are in ‘Cuadras’ and the houses of the usual Spanish American construction, with two or three Patios or Courts, few are of more than one story high and are built of ‘adobes’ for the same reason as I mentioned in speaking of Valparaiso. The streets are [fo. 11] wide but badly paved and want very much the cleanliness of those of Buenos Ayres. I was much struck with the want of movement in the streets; there are some very nice shops full of English and French goods, but the whole character of this city is melancholy, and the only difference is to be seen in the evenings in the ‘Alameda’, or public walk […]

[fo. 12] […] One night at dinner I felt the first shock of an earthquake since my arrival; they told me it was a pretty brisk one, but I really should not have known it, had I not been told. I felt two more before we sailed, and the last at Valparaiso, although a mild one, I recognised immediately. They say that this is always the case with strangers, and that they soon become as frightened of them as the natives. The dread of the ‘temblor’ is excessive and is not to be wondered at, considering the calamities that most families have been witness to. Two years ago nearly the whole town of Concepcion was destroyed and a great number of lives lost.Footnote ⁴⁹⁹

On my arrival at Valparaiso I received orders to prepare for sea, and was fully occupied during my short stay there. I made a further acquaintance with Colonel Walpole, our Consul, a man about fifty, a broken down dandy of the Guards; he was very gentlemanlike in his manners […] Walpole's enemies say that he is a violent partisan of the Gov't and, as Commodore Mason supports the Peruvian party, a paper war has been the result, which is now going on. I am astonished at a man who has lived all his life in good society, allowing his resentment of the Commodore to influence his conduct [fo. 13] towards the officers of the Blonde, to whom I have seen him positively uncivil.

Captain Gosselman being anxious to proceed to Lima, I could not do less than offer him a pass, although one week's acquaintance with him at Santiago had shown me what a crossgrained and selfish person he is. I was sorry to part with Captain Eden who had been my passenger for 59 days touching at the Falklands and coming round the Horn […]

I will now, in order that you may understand the events that occur, endeavour to describe to you the present Political state of Chile with reference to the other republics, beginning with a short sketch of the History of the country, such as I have been able to understand it from the books that have been recommended to me, and from my conversation with people who have witnessed most of the changes. As I am yet young in the Pacific, my accounts will very probably be erroneous in many cases, but as I am unprejudiced, and have done all in my power to inform myself, it may perhaps interest you, and that is my only motive in writing all this trash.

[fo. 14] Chile. That part of this country which may be properly called a Spanish Province is a narrow district between the Cordillera and the Coast of the Pacific[;] to the North it is separated from Peru by the desert of Atacama, and the Southern boundary is about Chiloe; this frontier is constantly invaded by the Araucos,Footnote ⁵⁰⁰ a savage tribe of Indians who inhabit the Cordillera and the Southern part of the country.

Chile was discovered by Almagro,Footnote ⁵⁰¹ a follower and companion of Pizarro in 1525.Footnote ⁵⁰² During the Spanish rule it was governed by a Captain General under the directions of the Viceroy of Peru and, until the revolution, was strictly guarded from all intercourse with foreigners, a policy which Spain followed in all her American possessions. To the South the country is thickly wooded and in the province of Concepcion there are immense forests. The productions are corn, wine, and oil and indeed all fruits imported from Europe have been found to flourish. The cattle are fine and owing to their wonderful increase, form one of the principal riches of the Country[;] horses are famous and are so numerous that the moderate price astonishes a foreigner. Chile is also very rich in Silver and Copper mines[;] these abound mostly to the North, and, in the mining districts, the country is totally without vegetation. The population is upwards of a million, not counting the Indians, and the Chilenos are supposed to be more manly and to show more national character than the inhabitants of the other republics. The countrymen are a remarkably fine race of men, and their feats of horsemanship are wonderful.

The cry for independence was first raised in September 1810, Buenos Ayres having shown the example in May of the same year […] [fo. 15] The overthrow of the Spaniards in Chile, owing to the small number of troops was effected without difficulty and without bloodshed and, for the three succeeding years, the country was left to itself […] Three brothers of the name of Carrera,Footnote ⁵⁰³ opposed to the celebrated O'HigginsFootnote ⁵⁰⁴ (celebrated at least in South America!!), endeavoured to secure the Gov't of the country. The Viceroy of Peru, Abascal,Footnote ⁵⁰⁵ who was anxiously watching for this state of dissension, sent a body of 1,200 men from Lima who landed at Concepcion in 1813. The patriots, led by O'Higgins, defeated this body, [and] a small number only […] succeeded in throwing themselves into Chillan to wait for reinforcements from the Viceroy.

Upon the defeat of the Spaniards the dissensions between O'Higgins and the Carreras broke out with renewed violence, and the two parties were in arms to decide the contest by a civil war, when news was brought that the Spanish General Osorio and a considerable force in which was included the regiment of Talavera,Footnote ⁵⁰⁶ lately arrived from the Peninsula, was advancing from Concepcion. O'Higgins generously submitted to the Carreras & advanced against the Spaniards[; h]e was defeated and forced to retire, when he threw himself with a few hundred men into the small town of Rancagua, and by his heroic defence of that place he immortalised himself.Footnote ⁵⁰⁷ The Carreras, giving way to their party feeling, refused to march to his assistance[; th]e result of these dissensions caused O'Higgins and about 14,000 persons, many of them women and children, to pass the Cordillera.

[fo. 16] Osorio, the Captain General, and Marco,Footnote ⁵⁰⁸ Colonel of the regiment of Talavera, entered Santiago in triumph, and thus in 1814 the cause of Independence appeared lost in Chile; in the two years that the Spaniards remained in the country, the people were treated with injustice and in many instances with great cruelty, [and] the name of the ruffian Marco is still held in execration.

In 1816 the General, San Martin, who commanded the Province of Cuyo in the republic of Buenos Ayres, was actively employed, with the help of O'Higgins and the Chilian refugees, in equipping an army in order to recover the freedom of Chile. January 1817, the Liberating army, consisting of 4,000 regular troops, besides a considerable number of volunteers, began its march from Mendoza […] [O]n the 2^nd February, the famous battle of ‘Chacabuco’ was fought at the foot of the Andes, in which the Patriots gained a complete victory, taking prisoner the Captain General Marco, and entirely dispersing the army.Footnote ⁵⁰⁹ On the 14^th of the same month, San Martin entered Santiago in triumph, where the representatives of the nation offered him the title of Supreme Director which, however, he refused[,] recommending O'Higgins, who was accordingly invested with full power. The Spaniards still occupied the Province of Concepcion and […] [fo. 17] under Osorio advanced upon the capital with 6,000 well disciplined troops[;] a partial engagement took place in March in which O'Higgins was defeated, but retiring on Santiago he was joined by San Martin who determined to decide within sight of the Capital on the plain of ‘Maypu’ the fate of the Country. On the 5^th of April, 1818, this famous battle took place which secured finally to Chile its independence by the complete dispersion of the Spaniards […] San Martin once more returned in triumph to Buenos Ayres, and O'Higgins set about quieting the country and proposing plans for its future Government. Lord Cochrane arrived at Valparaiso in 1818 and began a series of exploits against the Spaniards, which will never be forgotten in the Pacific […]

[fo. 18] O'Higgins governed Chile for five years subsequent to the battle of Maypu, but as was naturally to be expected, the independence once achieved, the ambition of individuals, and the struggles of parties threw great impediments in the way of a final settlement of the country […]

The Constitution proposed by O'Higgins was far from satisfying the country, and although during the Five years that he held the Supreme Directorship he preserved comparative tranquillity, nothing was done towards adopting a final mode of Government. In 1822 he formed a preparatory convention to settle the meeting of a Constituent assembly; this convention, elected by means of the Gov't, gave great discontent and a general rising of the people in 1823 obliged O'Higgins to retire to Peru where he has remained ever since[. H]e was succeeded by a General FreireFootnote ⁵¹⁰ who himself was soon turned out, [and] was succeeded for a short time by Blanco[,] equally incapable, and in 1826 PintoFootnote ⁵¹¹ was called to the Presidency, a man whom all parties agree in praising […] [fo. 19] Another revolution under the directions of Don Diego PortalesFootnote ⁵¹² placed the actual President PrietoFootnote ⁵¹³ in power, Pinto and his friends retiring without resistance. For the last six years Portales has ruled the country under the name of Prieto whose minister he is, & he has established a strong militia sufficient to keep the army in check[. T]he congress is composed of his adherents, and although there is a strong party against him among the friends of Pinto, Freire and O'Higgins, yet the country's interest is decidedly with him. All agree that he possesses great talents and an extraordinary energy of character[. H]is enemies charge him with avarice and an unforgiving temper[; h]e personally dislikes all foreigners and, when unoccupied with business, his favourite relaxation is in the society of the lower classes. Under his rule Chile has become safe to all travellers; assassinations which were of nightly occurrence in Santiago are now unknown. In all parts of the interior he had regulated the administration, roads have been made, [and] a security of property and liberal commercial regulations have made Valparaiso the depot of the Pacific: the duties alone pay the expenses of the Gov't, besides yielding a surplus sufficient to pay the dividends of the English loan.Footnote ⁵¹⁴ Such is the state of Chile at this moment, and, although the old Spanish administration of Justice remains in force, the evils resulting from it are not so great as might be expected. Flourishing as the country now appears, there is no security however in the laws or constitution for its continuance.

[fo. 20] The great absorbing topic which occupies Natives and foreigners is the war lately declared against Santa Cruz, Protector of Peru and Bolivia.Footnote ⁵¹⁵ The ostensible cause is the accusation that General Freire, who during the last year landed in ships from Peru in Concepcion, with the intention of heading a revolution against Portales, was sent for that purpose by Santa Cruz[; t]his and the cry against the ambition of that individual is the declared motive for the war in which Portales has induced Rosas, the autocrat of Buenos Ayres, to join. Opinions are divided about the justice of this hostility and the great majority of English exclaim loudly against the folly of a measure which will cost an immense sum, and it is upon this subject that Colonel Walpole is a warm admirer of Portales, while the enemies of that minister declare that a personal and private animosity together with a wish to prevent a steady Gov't in Peru withdrawing from Valparaiso the commerce which she receives in deposit, are actually what induced the declaration of war.

The bay is full of Men of war and transports and an expedition consisting of 3,000 men is expected to sail in a fortnight under the command of Adm'l Blanco[.Footnote ⁵¹⁶ T]hey are to be joined by about 300 Peruvian emigrants under one of the many ex-presidents of that country who go to excite their friends to rise against Santa Cruz[; m]any suppose that Portales, although not a military man, will himself accompany the expedition as Blanco has no great reptation either as a Gen'l or an Admiral. Their destination is not known. During my stay in Peru I shall probably come in for the fun.

[fo. 21] Lima, June 15^th 1837

On Saturday, June 10^th a little after noon we discovered the high land of San Lorenzo which marks the anchorage of Callao […] The North Carolina Footnote ⁵¹⁷ American 90 gun ship […] was alone enough to make the bay respectable, but several other men of war of the same nation, besides a Peruvian squadron and [fo. 22] the Actaeon and a French 20 gun brig, with about thirty sail of merchant vessels, formed a good cluster of masts. Callao roads is perhaps one of the best anchorages in the world, and […] it is perfectly sheltered from the S.E. trade which blows all the year round by the island of San Lorenzo. This morning we witnessed the first of those Peruvian fogs which supply the place with rain and which afterwards we found to set in pretty regularly every morning and evening for a few hours, sometimes like a Scotch mist and heavy enough to wet you through. The sun having got to some height, the mist cleared away and left a sort of cloudy covering which allowed you to feel there was a sun without being a bit inconvenienced by its rays […]

I was very curious to know Lima, [but] as it was Sunday I did not like to leave the ship before Divisions and prayers […] Having heard that Lord Edward RussellFootnote ⁵¹⁸ the Captain of the Actaeon was in Lima, I landed with the intention of joining him there. Callao, owing to the vicinity of the capital, presents little of the bustle that one sees at Valparaiso. The town contains about 2,500 inhabitants and has one goodish street. The mole [fo. 23] lately finished, built by an English Engineer, is the only thing worth seeing. The three castles situated in succession towards the low points of land stretching towards Lorenzo appear better from the Ship than from the shore. They are enclosed with a ditch and were once capable of a long resistance, until this last year when the guns were dismounted and some of the principal works thrown down by the orders of Santa Cruz, as it was found that most of the revolutions, which have succeeded each other so rapidly of late years, have begun by the occupation of this fortress […] On landing I was at once besieged with questions concerning the Chilian expedition.

We found (that is to say, Gosselman and myself) that a coach started twice a day for Lima but not wishing to wait, we hired horses and […] left Callao about three o'clock[. T]he road is perfectly straight and very broad but covered with loose stones; we had been told to leave our watches behind and only to take a small sum of money as robberies were so frequent that the exception was escaping; this astonished me not a little […] What a contradiction I thought to all the improvements I had heard so cried up to be told that a straight road six miles long only between the port and the Capital was almost regularly under contribution by robbers […]

[fo. 24] Lima is situated 480 feet above the sea, but the ascent is so gradual as to be scarcely perceptible[. T]he country which from the ship had looked green and fertile on being seen close, has a melancholy and deserted look, fields abandoned and weeds in some places so high as to be capable of hiding mounted ‘Montoneros’, the robbers of this country […] [fo. 25] [O]n approaching nearer to the walls [of Lima] one is delighted by the magnificent orange mixed with other fruit trees which are seen in the gardens immediately outside the wall; before this, the contrast of ruin and abandonment with the natural richness of the vegetation, presents a melancholy picture of the miseries attendant upon civil war.

We paced through (on our ‘caballos de paso’) a considerable part of the town […][;] it seemed as if the suburbs and remote parts of the town were abandoned for the centre, into which all the extraordinary and mixed population were drawn as it were by some common attraction. From the first moment, I had been looking anxiously for the extraordinary female costume which I had so often heard described, but it was not until I had passed several streets that the ‘saya y manto’Footnote ⁵¹⁹ presented itself to me[. I]n the plaza the numbers of women in this strange dress attracted all our attention and struck us both as extremely ridiculous […] We pulled up at an excellent inn kept by the famous Madame Dennelle a French woman[. T]he Hour for the table d'hote having past, I left Gosselman to order our dinner and proceeded with the guide to the house of Mr. WilsonFootnote ⁵²⁰ the Consul[. H]e was not at home, but his servant directed me to the house of Mr. KendallFootnote ⁵²¹ an English merchant with whom he was dining, [and] here I found him and Lord Edward […] [H]aving accepted Mr. Wilson's offer of a room in his house, I returned to the inn where I found dinner ready, where Madame Dennelle, placing herself at the head of the table, began, in very fair English, to do the honours of her house […]

[fo. 26] Having dined I left Gosselman at the inn and with Beeding and my traps proceeded to the house of the consul in the ‘Calle del arzobispo’, two ‘cuadras’ or about four hundred yards from the plaza. The house of Mr. Wilson is small but very comfortable […] The whole arrangement of the house gave me the idea of a most particular person[:] books, chairs and every thing so placed that they seemed as if more intended to be looked at than used. A picture of Bolivar,Footnote ⁵²² with a flattering clause of his will addressed to Colonel Wilson, occupied a prominent position in the ‘sala’. The Consul came in about eight o'clock accompanied by Lord Russell and the merchant in whose house the latter was living […] [and] of whose kindness and hospitality I had heard a great deal from Eden. Mr. Wilson is about 32 and young looking of his age[;] he resembles his father a little, but much more his brother, whom I had known in the Alfred, although his hair is very much lighter, and his countenance, which also on first acquaintance has something unpleasant, has not [the same] lowering and disagreeable look […] Russell I had long known and liked, and as all were interested in the news from Chile our conversation lasted some time, and certainly I went to bed without the least idea, that both Russell & Mr. Smith were not on the best terms with Wilson. It was arranged that [fo. 27] we were go to a review the next morning.

Monday the 12^th.

Having been woken at six we were to breakfast at seven and set out at ½ past. Wilson mounted me on a most fiery looking charger […] I envied my companions who were mounted on beautiful Peruvian pacers […] The ground fortunately was not above a mile and a half from the town: a large open space comparatively clear of stones and dust. The troops consisted of 3,000 Infantry and 500 lancers, all, with the exception of 700 of the former, Bolivians. Wilson presented me to the Protector to whom[,] surrounded by his staff[,] I went capering up on my proud animal. Don Andres Santa Cruz, Protector of Peru and Bolivia[,] is about 46 years of age; he is of a dark but not unpleasing countenance, [and] his features have a good deal of the Indian expression, which is not to be wondered at since his mother was of that nation [and] his father a Spaniard. Santa Cruz originally served under the Spaniards but took the first opportunity to join his countrymen, although brought into notice by Bolivar and occupying high stations under that chief, his reputation is more from having governed Bolivia with talent during the last six years, than from military exploits[. I]ndeed his enemies deny his being a good solider.

[fo. 28] I was also introduced to the Generals Miller,Footnote ⁵²³ Ballibian,Footnote ⁵²⁴ MoranFootnote ⁵²⁵ […] and several others who surrounded the Protector. The Peruvian officers’ uniform is more dazzling than pretty; a quantity of embroidery and gold lace, with most ‘kill em & eat em’ crimson trousers, makes them look very fierce[;] the dress of the soldiers was plain & well adapted to the climate. I was particularly struck with the lancers who, as far as my judgment of soldiers goes, seemed serviceable & well mounted men. Their swarthy complexions and yellow caps gave them an Eastern look and reminded me very much of the Arabs. I was astonished to see the soldiers manoeuvre so well, remembering that they were South Americans[;] Miller and Wilson kept continually calling my attention and seemed disappointed that I did not express my admiration as strongly as themselves, forgetting that I had come from Europe, and their own ideas were taken from the soldiers of Bolivar. Russell who spoke no Spanish & would not speak French seemed determined to keep in the background, and as Santa Cruz was evidently bent on soaping (as we say at sea) the English, I found myself obliged to remain alongside of him. I found he spoke French, and, had he not put me on so fiery a nag, I should have enjoyed his conversation very much […]

[fo. 29] […] As the last bull fight of the season was to take place today, the Protector invited me to his box […] About four o'clock we went to the bull ring, situated on the opposite side of the river from the town […] The circus is of immense dimensions, and surrounded by a barrier behind which there are several rows of benches placed one above the other, [and] over these is a large gallery divided into boxes in which the upper classes are to be seen[. S]aid to be capable of containing the immense number of 10,000 spectators, the rage for these brutal exhibitions always ensures a large attendance especially of women; I should think there were at least 5,000 on this day. I found Santa Cruz with his principal officers in the large box[,] in former times that of the Vice Roy[. H]e made Russell and myself sit down, one on each side of him, and was evidently doing the civil [thing] ‘a los gringos’ […] [fo. 30] The description of those [bullfights] in Spain and especially in Andalusia, where the bulls are noble animals and naturally full of fury without being excited, and where the agility and bravery of the men and the dexterity which they show in killing the most savage animals must give it an interest caused by the real damage to which those engaged are exposed, excuses the cruelty in some measure and accounts for the enthusiasm of the lookers on, but in Lima where the danger is comparatively small owing to the tameness of the bulls nothing but the brutality of the scene remains. I remained until three had been killed, and the sight was so disgusting that I cannot imagine many Englishmen going twice […] [fo. 31]

[fo. 32] It is no wonder that the Spaniards accustomed to these scenes are so little affected by bloodshed[;] indeed it seemed to me that the more cruel the sufferings of the bull were the more they were delighted. I am told that when a man is badly wounded or killed their enjoyment is at its height, and that the clapping of hands and applauses are redoubled [fos 33–35]

Tuesday the 13^th.

I went in the morning to pay my respects to Santa Cruz; he received me in his private room, very nicely furnished. The Palace the same as built by PizarroFootnote ⁵²⁶ is a large straggling building […] Yesterday we had a great dinner given to Russell & myself […] the Protector, as I said before, being very anxious to flatter the English. Our dinner party consisted of about twenty: Wilson, Russell, myself, Gosselman and three English merchants; there were no other foreigners, the rest composed of the Principal Peruvian and Bolivian Generals, many of them well known in the war of Independence. I found myself placed on the left of the Protector with the minister MoraFootnote ⁵²⁷ on my left […] Toasts were given without end; when it came to my turn to return thanks, I deputed Wilson to do so for me in Spanish. Gosselman made a great goose of himself talking some nonsense about ‘Carlos doce’Footnote ⁵²⁸ which nobody understood[;] we broke up about nine, and certainly nothing could have gone off [fo. 36] with more good humour. I can't say quite so much for the dignity of the repast, which was certainly devoid of all restraint […] [fo. 37]

[fo. 38] Santa Cruz paid me a formal visit about a week after my arrival and I took care to receive him with all due honours[;] he expressed himself pleased with the ship; if he had not, he would have been difficult to satisfy, since which he has paid me two more visits and, now that my Spanish gets on more fluently, I have great pleasure in talking to him. He has bought a very large French merchant ship, the Casimir Prince, & [I] took the liberty of telling him he was wrong in doing [so]. He bought her however off a very good fellow who made his Excellency pay for her the enormous sum of 40,000 dollars; 10 would have been ample, but what is more extraordinary, being well acquainted with Peruvian intrigue, [the seller] has played his cards so well that he is already paid. This vessel of 600 tons is transformed into a Corvette called the ‘Socabaya’, the name of a battle won by the ProtectorFootnote ⁵²⁹ […] [fo. 39]

[fo. 40] […] Tuesdays and Thursdays I always go down to Callao and on the former day I get the ship under weigh and perform different evolutions, returning to Lima, if not in time for dinner, at any rate for the ‘Tertulia’ […] On the other days of the week as the clock strikes twelve I shut up my books and walk down to the house of Doña Eulalia Cadenas, [for] this is one of the few families where one can visit in the morning, the Limenians not generally showing until the evening except on Sundays or ‘fiestas’ […] [fo. 41] I generally, every evening, make three or four short visits before bringing up for the night about ½ past eight or nine at some ‘Tertulia’ […]

[fo. 42] [O]ne cannot imagine the men & women [of Lima] to belong to the same race: the latter are so superior in every way. I should not say that there was much regular beauty among them: it is more their fascinating manner, their coal black eyes and peculiar vivacity that dazzle (if I may use the expression) most strangers. They have the reputation of resembling the Andalusians[:] the wit and readiness of reply really is wonderful, when they are in good humour, and it is seldom that they are otherwise[;] the conversation is kept up with a spirit and quickness that astonished. Whether it is from pride or from laziness, the Limeñas never work[;] what they do with themselves all day I cannot conceive, unless it is that they [fo. 43] pass all their time in their windows or balconies making remarks on the passers by[. W]ith their slaves and servants they live upon terms of equality, and I have often seen the mistress of the house swinging in the same hammock with two or three sambo or negro girls; most of the old ladies smoke, and many of the young ones also, in secret. I have sometimes been so amused and astonished at their conversation that if I had not had proof to the contrary I would not have believed that many of the most remarkable among them could not even read or write, but so it is, and the man who ventures to send a love letter will often find his flame […] not being able to understand it.

The streets of Lima present the most mixed population that one can imagine[;] the great mixture of negroes with Indians form I don't know how many different castes[;] the three principal are the Indians from the interior, the African black, and the Sambo from indian & negro parents […] Slavery was abolished at the independence, to a certain extent, and all children born subsequently are free, and importation is forbidden.Footnote ⁵³⁰ Most slaves were formerly introduced into Peru from Buenos Ayres […]

[fo. 44] On the 24^th of June, which is St. John's dayFootnote ⁵³¹ all classes in Lima go to a valley about three miles from the town, situated at the foot [of] the Cordillera; this place is called ‘Armancais’ from a peculiar yellow flower that is found there. To gather these is the ostensible object, but it is in reality a sort of fair that begins on that day […] At the booths we found people of all classes […] The Protector made me stand Godfather to two of the disgusting dances peculiar to Lima, when, in fact, it was for his own pleasure; this dance is called the ‘Samba Cuaker’Footnote ⁵³² and is evidently African; I have seen the negroes at Bahia dance something like it, [and] it is a disgrace to the country. The whole scene was peculiarly Peruvian[:] the softness of the climate, the tunes on the guitars, the quantity of PiscoFootnote ⁵³³ which the people had drunk, made them all seem in a sort of dissolute frenzy. This sort of fair lasts with more or less attendance for a month, [but] so much was I disgusted with it that I never returned […] I always preferred getting up a picnic to some garden in the neighbourhood. [fos 45–46]

Lima, July 27

Since my last […] a great event has occurred[:] a vessel arrived in Callao a few days ago, bringing the news that on the 3^rd of June, the very day on which I sailed from Valparaiso, Portales […] was seized by a Colonel VidaurreFootnote ⁵³⁴ and several officers, who had gained over the principal part of the troops, with whom the [fo. 47] war is not popular[. C]arrying Portales prisoner they advanced upon Valparaiso and [were] defeated by the militia and two regiments that remained faithful, although I believe, on both sides, there were not above two or three men killed; they murdered Portales and his secretary in a most savage mannerFootnote ⁵³⁵ […]

Vidaurre and seven of the ringleaders have since been taken and shot as they most richly deserved.Footnote ⁵³⁶ An embargo was immediately put on the port of Valparaiso, to prevent the news being taken to Peru, which is the reason of our only now hearing of an event which took place so long ago. In Chile they accuse Santa Cruz of being at the bottom of it. Wilson is indignant about it. I do not think he is guilty of it, but I would not trust any South American […] and actually heard Vidaurre named long before the news arrived. The accounts brought are that Blanco and the rest of the Portales party are still very active in reorganizing the troops and seem determined to send the expedition[. I]f so, it will only be because their pride won't allow it to be said that Portales was the only person in the Gov't capable of carrying it out; no person here supposes that it will ever come. O'Higgins the ex president of Chile says he looks upon it as impossible as Portales was the life & soul of the war party & that without him it must fail. The manner of his death was shocking, but if it leads to peace it will have proved a happy event for both countries. Santa Cruz may consider himself a lucky man[;] I should be sorry to think that he had caused the assassination, but still who is the principal gainer by it[?] Here, as you may suppose, [fo. 48] it has excited a great sensation […] I am expecting the Rover or Commodore SullivanFootnote ⁵³⁷ every day to relieve me (not that I at all wish to see them) when we shall hear more about it […] [fo. 49]

[fo. 50] They talk of really setting about in earnest to clear the road [and] I hope they will as it would be a great bore to be either robbed or shot[. L]ast week a French Midshipman and a Peruvian General were both robbed, [and] in the town also at night robberies frequently occur, for there is no police[. A]ssassinations are very uncommon[,] the people not bloody, not near so much [fo. 51] so as either the Buenos Ayreans or the Chilians[.] I attribute it to the climate which seems to have so enervating an effect upon the whole population […] Wilson two years ago was not only robbed of all his money and his horse, when riding with a French attaché to the legation of Rio [de] Janeiro, and Lord Ed'd ClintonFootnote ⁵³⁸ (Mid of the Blonde), but they were also stripped naked by a band of ‘montoneros’, and all three put on one Donkey […] In describing Lima to you I have said nothing about the men, nor do I know what to say about them as they are a most despicable intriguing set and allow foreigners to carry on all the commerce of the country while their only aim is to get some lucrative employment from [fo. 52] government[;] moral principles or honesty are things not understood by Peruvians[. T]hey are fond of cock fighting and all of them are gamblers, but this is common to the men of all South America.

[fo. 53] Cleopatra at Sea, September 5^th 1837.

On the 28^th of August we sailed from Callao and are now on our passage between that place and Valparaiso […] My life had become a regular routine with the exception of the days on which I went down to Callao […] [S]undays I had given up and installed the Purser as my curate as I found it was the only day on which I could return visits of civility […] [fo. 54] The Limenian women are about the most jealous in the world and if you pay attention to one, she is not content with your doing so in private, but expect[s] you to devote yourself openly and exclusively[.] I kicked against this, but will say no more about that, as it approaches the forbidden subject […] It is too much the custom of our countrymen to judge these countries upon a European [fo. 55] standard and to condemn the whole Spanish American population. The English merchants, men accustomed to a different sort of society, flock together and seldom form intimate acquaintances[;] there are some exceptions, when they have married and most excellent wives they have found. Officers of the navy too lazy to learn the language pass one exaggerated account on from ship to ship of the depraved state of Peru, themselves however not showing the best example, as the only native society they frequent is of the most dissolute and lowest class. I found that the Officers of the Blonde, and the ships lately on the station were not known even by name in the best society, and during my stay I seldom met an Englishman […]

I cannot for one moment defend the profligate conduct and want of principle of the male population, and it must be allowed that Lima is perhaps the most licentious & demoralised capital in the world, outwardly. I always defend the fair sex and maintain that if their conduct is irregular, the blame lies much more with the men, who neglect their wives, gamble and in short with few exceptions are unworthy of being respected. Is it not however fair before we turn up our noses at these people, to inquire into the cause of this demoralisation [fo. 56] and moreover have the officers of the navy or the merchants any right to be so extremely loud in their cries against the immorality, are they all so wonderfully correct themselves?

Peru was governed for three centuries by the Spanish system of Viceroys & priests with all its accompaniments of Inquisition, bigotry and corruption, in which the great aim of the authorities, acting under instructions from Madrid, was to keep the people in the most abject state of ignorance and to prevent the introduction of books and communication with foreigners[. A]s long as this was effected licentiousness was encouraged and the priesthood, ignorant and hypocritical, content with fostering the hatred to heretics, easily forgave excesses of profligacy which it makes one shudder to think on, and in which they participated and prompted[. F]rom this extreme to rise at once into an independent people is extraordinary […] Thirteen years (Peru was not free until 1825) is no very long time in the life of an individual, what is it in a nation[?] I maintain however in spite of the incongruities that meet one's eye that all Spanish America has made rapid strides under the civilising influence of Commerce. The thirteen years of liberty, have been followed by wars caused by the ambition of individuals, which are far from being at an end[;] instead of constitutions and Congresses which only contain more elements of discord, what these countries have need of is an individual of genius, capable of fulfilling his mission[;] a man who for their good will rule them with a rod of iron[. I]t is to be hoped that some such person may come forward, but it must be a man very superior to any who have hitherto [fo. 57] appeared on the scene. Wilson looks upon Santa Cruz as after Bolivar the only man capable of doing so, but neither the one or the other in my opinion was born as the regenerator of Peru, but certainly not the former[,] a man without prestige except what five years of good government have procured for him among the Bolivians[;] as a soldier of the Independence he ranks after many who are still living and serving under him. I grant him good common sense [and] more firmness of character, but more than all cunning and that perfect knowledge of South American intrigue in which twenty years of his life have been passed, but Wilson is not content with that and gets angry when I mention examples to him which clearly prove that Santa Cruz dare not steer his own course, but is forced to conform himself to many abuses which preserve to him the support of the influential classes[. H]e has not as yet reformed any of the corruptions in the administration of justice, nor has he been able to carry into execution any Police regulation in opposition to old customs[. A]s far as Commerce goes he has done a good deal, and all foreigners and those Peruvians who wish their country to be preserved from anarchy must wish for his success […] [H]owever if he licks the Chilians […] and finds himself in undisturbed possession of the Confederation, it will then be the time to see if he is capable of reforming & settling the nation […] [fo. 58]

[fo. 59] […] Santa Cruz is a great dancer of country dances and so is Miller, who I have forgot to introduce to you[. H]e is also a Gran Mariscal, and has distinguished himself very much in the war, but having written a book full of Vanity in which he only praises himself he has made many enemies by it[.Footnote ⁵³⁹ H]e is now head of the staff and I should think from the way he talks devoted to the Protector[. H]e joined San Martin after the battle of Maypu[,] commanded the troops under Cochrane at the taking of Valdivia[,Footnote ⁵⁴⁰ and] came to Peru where he served with great distinction during the whole war of the Independence, and is ‘muy Peruano’ and [fo. 60] in consequence abuses Bolivar as much as Wilson praises him. Miller has rather got the credit of trimming in the civilian commotions, [but] of that I am no judge[. H]e is a tall soldier-like looking man, has been wounded very often and has the fingers of his right hand crippled[;] he was always very civil to me and particularly kind to my cousin Charles.Footnote ⁵⁴¹ Ballibian [is] a Bolivian who commands the 3,500 men quartered in the neighbourhood [and] is the most trusted by Santa Cruz[;] I know him very well and think he deserves the opinion formed of him from the way he is liked by the soldiers and officers[;] his conduct to his poor wife who suffers dreadfully from Epileptic fits is beautiful […] I must not forget to mention Mora, a Spaniard[,] Santa Cruz's right hand man as a writer and who does all the detail of the Gov't[;] he is very clever and exceedingly good-natured and always corrects me in my Spanish[. H]is wife, a French woman, (for they are very poor) receives five or six little girls of the best families into her house and educates them with her daughters. Mora has been concerned in the politics of nearly all the Spanish republics South of Panama, [and] he hopes when the Chilian business is settled to be sent as Chargé d'Affaires to England […]

[fo. 61] On the following morning to [a] Tertulia at the Palace, I went to Santa Cruz and begged him to name any day before his departure for Bolivia, which was now talked of, in order that I might have a ball on board[. H]e named the 15^th, which suited me exactly, and I immediately sent off word to Liardet to prepare for moving the ship the following day […] [I]t was a busy week for me […] For three days I was completely taken up in visiting every house, knowing that those whom I did not ask personally would be offended. The American Commodore lent me all his flags, and a most splendid set they were, as did also the Frenchman, who sent me likewise his cook to assist in the supper[. A]ll the guns on the upper deck were dismounted, and, owing to the breadth of the ship and the means afforded me by the American flags, our ballroom was quite beautiful […] [fo. 62] The Marine Officer undertook the supper, a man at Callao supplying crockery [and] to be paid double for all breakages[. T]here is no place where so much can be done with little expense as in a ship towards dandifying a ballroom for, with the exception of cloth to paint the transparencies on, [one can arrange] donkeys to bring down the green boughs, and candles […] [T]he contrivances are endless where you have so many workmen. The ship on the upper deck was covered in from taffrail to foremast as far as the Mainmast [and] was the ballroom, [and] on the Starboard side of the gangway with sails and boards I had had made an immense room for the ladies to leave their cloaks; dressing tables, sofas, spare shoes, eau de Cologne and ‘Cigaritos’ were in abundance[;] on the booms a large platform, covered with orange bushes & lighted with variegated lamps, held the band consisting of 25 musicians […] [fo. 63] [T]he supper table [was] laid for seventy people […]

If we were in a bustle on board, those invited were no less so in Lima[:] dressmakers, shoemakers & hairdressers were engaged days before; in short, there was ‘mucho alboroto’ […] [fo. 64] [A]t eight [on the appointed evening] the people began to arrive, and, at ½ past the Protector came on board […] When Santa Cruz came over the side the band struck up the ‘National tune’,Footnote ⁵⁴² and the whole of the Marines as an Officer's guard presented arms […] [fo. 65] Quadrilles, country dances and Samba cuakas followed each other in quick succession. At one the supper table was lit up, and Santa Cruz leading with his partner I followed with Mrs. Tristan. I had expected to see justice done, but such appetites I would not have believed[:] the quantity of solid beef, turkey & ham which they devoured was wonderful, [and] champagne corks flew so fast that I could not help thinking of the bill […] The Protector not wishing to break up the party which was at its height, went away quietly at ½ past three[;] trigos cakes and then chocolate were handed round until ½ past five when the boats being manned all the ladies landed together […] I can't tell you how well the whole thing went off and for many days afterwards it was the only topic of conversation […]

[fo. 66] It was now known that General OrbegosoFootnote ⁵⁴³ was to be named Acting President during Santa Cruz's absence, a piece of information which I had given Wilson a week before, but which he had laughed at. On the 22^d the French Commodore having given the Bisson Footnote ⁵⁴⁴ 20 gun brig to the Protector to convey him to Islay,Footnote ⁵⁴⁵ on the same day previous to his departure he gave a grand dinner. The American Commodore and myself were the only strangers besides Santa Cruz and the principal people of the country[.] Orbegoso, a man of immense size, of heavy & stupid countenance, which is not improved by habitual drunkenness[,] was the only person whom I did not know perfectly. After dinner there was no end to the speeches & toasts. Santa Cruz took me on one side on deck and expressed himself most goodnaturedly, and when I told him that I was sorry to see him leave Lima when it was still uncertain whether the Chilians would come or not, he replied, with a good deal of warmth, ‘I wish they could come at once, [but it] is not them that I fear, it is in Bolivia that I am required’ […] Mora who actually wept at leaving his family, also told me that they had received uncomfortable news from Chuquisaca[. A]t eight o'clock the Bisson got under weigh, when mounting my horse I rode up to Lima […]

[fo. 67] On the 26^th Commodore Sullivan in the Stag Footnote ⁵⁴⁶ anchored in Callao and on the 28^th […] I sailed for Valparaiso to prepare for an eight months voyage to the Northward. [fos 68–83]

[fo. 84] Sep't 10^th at sea.

In a few days I hope to arrive at Valparaiso […] After the two months and a half spent in Lima (the longest time I had ever been in one place) I found the solitary life of the ship a little monotonous for the first few days, but I soon got into my regular occupations which make the time pass […]

September 28^th, Valparaiso.

I have been here since the 16^th preparing for the Mexican trip. The expedition, under the Command of Admiral Moran & General Blanco (It is an odd fact that Blanco a Naval Officer is now General in chief of the Chilian expeditionary army, and that Moran a Columbian General is Admiral of the Peruvian Squadron.) sailed the day before my arrival[. T]he force to be landed consists of 3,600 men including 300 Peruvians under La Fuente;Footnote ⁵⁴⁷ [fo. 85] their destination is a secret, and the embargo has only just been taken off the port[. M]ost people however suppose that they are bound to the Intermedios, with the intention of marching upon Arequipa. Nothing can exceed the confidence of the people here, who look upon success as certain, convinced as they are that the Chilenos have only to show themselves to be joined by a strong Peruvian party. I firmly believe and hope that they will find themselves mistaken, but there is no use in saying so, as the knowing ones put you down with a confidence in their own opinions, telling you – ‘Oh, you don't know South America!’ […] I have not seen Walpole but he has written to me and in his opinion to use his own words ‘The star of Santa Cruz has already set’ […] [A]s I am to sail for Callao on the 3^d of next month I shall soon know the truth of all the ridiculous reports in circulation here […]

[fo. 86] [I]t amuses me although I can't help at the same time being provoked when I think of the ignorance of the Admiralty about the Pacific, [and] it really seems as if British interests and every other consideration had to give way to freight.Footnote ⁵⁴⁸ This is a subject on which much might be said[.] I would not take it away from men of war, [fo. 87] at any rate not until after this Mexican trip, but I would have it carried on in a gentlemanlike manner, and first of all take away the Pennant from the Basilisk Footnote ⁵⁴⁹ Ketch[,] which vessel is now a disgrace to a man of war, and even were the vessel creditable, the duty on which Lieut. MacdonaldFootnote ⁵⁵⁰ is employed (although lucrative enough) in my opinion lowers the British flag in these seas. The conduct of Lord James TownshendFootnote ⁵⁵¹ in regard to freight, and evident anxiety of Commodore Mason upon the same subject have caused and do cause remarks anything but creditable to the profession[. B]efore I would court a vulgar merchant for the sake of his dollars I would see him and his whole concern in a place that I won't name. I have had to bring up one or two on this subject and, although I cannot allow such remarks to be made before me yet it is too well known that the conduct of many of our officers has given just grounds for them.

Cleopatra at sea, October 10^th, 1837.

Tomorrow we shall in all probability arrive at Callao[;] I say we, not only as one does speaking of all contained in the ship, but, in this case, from having a companion as passenger, the same Count Streleski who accompanied me last year from Rio de Janeiro to Buenos Ayres, and of whom I have before spoken […] [fo. 88] We sailed from Valparaiso on the 3^rd and are advancing rapidly […]

We are both equally anxious and curious to know the state of affairs in Peru, and to convince ourselves of the little credit that ought to be placed in the reports in circulation in Santiago & Valparaiso especially as two days before our leaving, the Gov't of Chile had allowed letters to be seen which they said were written by Ballibian, offering to betray [fo. 89] the Protector, and the idea that Blanco had sailed direct for Callao had been adopted by many. The fidelity of Moran had also been called in question. I cannot believe that either one or the other would be capable of such treachery and in Moran's case it would be against his interest […] They say that Ballibian has a strong party in Bolivia and that if Santa Cruz was to fall that he would succeed him in as President[. H]owever I will not believe until I see it[. N]evertheless, I cannot help being anxious about it as South American history presents so many instances of even greater villainy and to arrive at the object of his ambition there is no saying what even my friend Ballibian might do […] [W]hat I must trust to however is that reports which are openly circulated in Chile must have reached the Protector long before this, and that moreover having himself for the last fifteen years been employed in all the intrigues of Peru, that he has taken his measures accordingly[. I]t always seemed to me that he never confided in any one man further than was necessary to avail himself of his services, and that he trusted to their fidelity, either from having put it out of their power to hurt him or from having made it in their interest to be faithful to him[. M]y own opinion is that through these means he is well served.

[fo. 90] The Chilian Government are either foolishly credulous in receiving all these reports, or it may be that they are at last aware of the hopelessness of their attempt, and are anxious to deceive the country and to palliate their own folly in order to blunt the resentment of the people when the failure of the expedition becomes known, but in which they have now gone too far to be able to recede with honour. It is scarcely possible that they can in reality believe the information furnished them by La Fuente and his associates, or by a discontented and ruined party in Lima who look to revolution as the only means of restoring their desperate fortunes. The emigrants joined to the expedition under the plea of freeing their country from the dominion of a foreign tyrant as they denominate Santa Cruz have no idea of the meaning of Patriotism or even honesty, and are quite ready to join in a foreign invasion as long as they may be allowed to have the principal share in the robbery attendant upon the anarchy and confusion which they foresee[. S]hould they be successful, they will soon quarrel with each other […]

Before this it has ceased to be a mystery, and the expedition has in all probability landed at Islay, as it sailed on the 15 of September, and did so trusting to the reported commotions in Bolivia, and when Santa Cruz's departure from Lima was not known. If such is the case, they will most likely occupy Arequipa, and the presence of the Protector will help greatly to decide the contest. I do not think that he will allow any of his generals to risk an engagement, until he has made certain of [fo. 91] success by assembling an overwhelming force which he has the means of doing in a short time[. I]n short it will be the campaign of SalaverryFootnote ⁵⁵² over again and it is to be hoped that it may equally terminate with the death of La Fuente.

At sea. October 28^th 1837

We are five days from Callao steering for Guayaquil […] On our arrival at Callao on the 11^th we found our anticipations correct and everything quiet. The first person who came on board was Wilson with Captain Carew of the Harrier who informed us of the disembarkation of the expedition at Islay and of the quiet & confidence that reigned in Lima. Before getting on my horse [fo. 92] to go to Lima I called upon Moran[;] he had already heard of the report of his treason and was very much annoyed by it[;] he spoke to me about it, and was very much pleased when I told him that I had never for a moment doubted his honour, in spite of the letters which were, as I supposed, forgeries. Only two days before he had found himself obliged to shoot an officer on board his ship for a violent attempt at mutiny[;] he had ordered him to be shot on the Forecastle the moment after the act was committed as he has the power to do by the Spanish Marine laws, which still remain in force[.] I heard him very much abused for this afterwards in Lima, but the man richly deserved it and an example was necessary. The reason why the Limeños are so loud against him is not that they care for the officer, but because Moran is a ‘Venezuelan’, one of the best colonels under Bolivar, and a man who went through every bit of the Columbian war, a regular soldier, frank, jolly and goodnatured and when idle a great gambler[;] on one occasion he lost, at Chorrillos,Footnote ⁵⁵³ 30,000 dollars […]

[fo. 93] On arriving in Lima Streleski took up his quarters at the French Hotel and I installed myself in my old berth […] Two days after our arrival Ballibian invited us to breakfast at the village of ‘Miraflores’ a league and a half from Lima, and collected upwards of 2,000 men on purpose to show them to us[;] a number of ladies came to the ground and we had a very pretty field day. Streleski, who had himself been a ‘lancer’, told me that, although prepared to see a fine body of men, he had no idea that the cavalry, 500 Bolivian lancers, would have been so good, [and] what he particularly remarked was the docility and training of the horses[;] he did not think so much of the infantry, [for] the men struck him as small […] [fo. 94] Before leaving the ground Ballibian spoke to me as Moran had done about the reports against him in Chile, and said to me, ‘You will never hear anything dishonourable of Ballibian’. ‘I am sure of that, “Mi general”’ I replied, not that I feel anything like the same confidence in him as I do in Moran. Santa Cruz however has implicit trust in him, but for all that, I think there may be something in his leaving him in Lima instead of taking him with him to Bolivia. I asked Wilson if there had been any truth in the discontents in Bolivia and he told me that there certainly had, that the garrison of a place called Oruro had mutinied with the Commandant at their head, but that the population, all Indians, had of their own accord attacked the fort and taken it by assault[,] killing the officer as he deserved[. A] party in the Congress had also attempted to break the Confederacion, but the fortunate [fo. 95] arrival of Santa Cruz had put all to rights, [and] he told me that when the news reached Lima many of Santa Cruz's friends were observed ready for trimming, and among others OlañetaFootnote ⁵⁵⁴ […] [T]his I was not astonished at as I knew him to be a most unprincipled man. [fo. 96]

[fo. 97] […] [On] Monday the 23^rd Streleski and myself got on our horses and rode down to Callao accompanied only by Carew and Boulanger […] [W]e found the ship under weigh as I had directed, and remained standing about the bay until after dinner […] [fo. 98]

Two days before our departure news was brought that Blanco had marched into Arequipa and that La Fuenta had declared himself President of Peru and had published several high flown ‘proclamas’ calling upon the population to join ‘el ejercito restaurados’ (restoring army) to assist in freeing the country from the foreign tyrant Santa Cruz […] Blanco has written to the general commanding at Tacna inviting him to betray the Protector, [and] the letter and the answer were both published in the ‘Eco’[,Footnote ⁵⁵⁵ the] Lima Gov't paper. Wilson [fo. 99] tells me that although Lopez was formerly on bad terms with Santa Cruz, he is incapable of such treachery. The Protector is himself at Puno on the frontiers of Bolivia busied in uniting his forces […] [O]ne of the best South American Generals is encamped near Arequipa with 2,000 men. HerreraFootnote ⁵⁵⁶ a Gran Mariscal is next in command to Santa Cruz, and has orders, with the divisions of Lopez and Cardeña to endeavour to draw Blanco into the interior but not to hazard a battle until the arrival of the Protector in person. In addition to these, a Peruvian general is advancing by the coast from the northward to cut off their retreat with about 1,200 light troops, so that they seem in a fair way of being surrounded by more than double their own numbers. A short time will now bring this foolish war to a close as it all depends upon the Chilenoes, [for] the few Buenos Ayreans who attempted to harass the frontier of Bolivia were cut to pieces & taken prisoner […] Had there been a party ready to declare itself in Peru, it would have done so long before this; that there are a great many in Lima and other parts of the country that would gladly see the downfall of Santa Cruz I have no doubt, but La Fuente is the last man to unite the dissatisfied. GamarraFootnote ⁵⁵⁷ would have been more likely but the two are deadly enemies. [fo. 100] All these circumstances combined are very much against the Chilenoes. At this moment commerce is nearly at an end[;] the people from the interior are afraid to buy or sell while the war remains unsettled, to add to all of which the revenue of the country is not sufficient to meet the expense of keeping up so large an army. The success of the expedition can bring nothing but a renewal of anarchy and civil war, while all foreign merchants, as well as those natives who wish for quiet, regard Santa Cruz as the only man able to form a government with sufficient force to maintain order, [for] his liberal regulations regarding Commerce will bestow incalculable benefits upon the country […] [Peru] has made great strides since the Independence, and one is struck by the contrast of the advance of education in private life to the confusion and ignorance in public affairs.

[fo. 101] […] The trade of England to the Pacific more than doubles that of all other nations put together, [and so] their feeling towards us is one of respect caused by the fairness of our dealings, and if we are not personally unpopular we have only our own [fo. 102] countrymen to thank for it […] I hope this report of an Admiral, being appointed for the Pacific Station,Footnote ⁵⁵⁸ is true, as three successive Commodores, comparatively without education or knowledge of society, speaking no language except their own, were not the men best adapted to take that line of superiority which, from the extent of our trade, ought naturally to belong to the English Commander in Chief, especially at this moment when the American has increased his force very considerably, although the trade of America is very short of that of England.

[fo. 103] At sea Tuesday Nov'r 14, 1837

The day before yesterday we sailed from the island of Puna and are now steering with a fair wind and agreeable weather for Central America […] I will now resume the course of our voyage and account of Guayaquil […] [fos 104–105]

[fo. 106] The richness and luxuriance of the vegetation [here] strikes one at first sight, but to me it appears, I can't say why, to want substance, and has none of the solidity or beauty of an English forest, besides, there is such a sameness and, from the very thickness of the wood it is impossible to admire any single tree[. T]here is nothing to break this monotony until within a league of the town where one meets an occasional house and a few fields of maize. The first view of Guayaquil to us was very pretty, as it opened out all at once from a turn in the river about half an hour after sunrise […] The thick wood as a background appearing to advance into the very streets, a conical shaped hill overhangs it, upon which stands the powder magazine[,] a conspicuous white building […] The tide was setting up very strong and great care had to be taken not to get athwart the hawser of any of these vessels, as it would inevitably upset the boat. It was in this way that Captain BinghamFootnote ⁵⁵⁹ of the Thetis,Footnote ⁵⁶⁰ his son, and the clergyman of the ship were drowned[:] it was dark and the boat[,] a large pinnace[,] got across the chain cable of a merchant brig. Most of the boat's crew were saved by hanging on to the vessel[. I]n addition to the strong tide and muddy water which render it difficult for a man to swim, the river is full of immense Alligators. [fo. 107]

[fo. 108] About noon the Captain of the Port, a most good-natured old Spaniard, returned to accompany us in our visit to the two governors, Civil and Military, the latter General WrightFootnote ⁵⁶¹ an Irishman married in the country, served through the whole Columbian war under Bolivar […] [H]is principal conversation was about his own feats of arms and about his chief General FloresFootnote ⁵⁶² to whom he considered the Duke of Wellington very inferior, and talking of Peru he often told me how lucky it was that Ecuador had not taken part against Santa Cruz for if he and Flores had marched against him, with their Columbians, ‘By Jasus! It was all up with him’. The Civil Governor, Don Vicente RocaFootnote ⁵⁶³ gave me a very different impression, and seems a shrewd clever man[. H]e is evidently nearly related to some nigger or mulatto, as his brick bat complexion would not pass for white even in the Brazil where that colour has a most sallow definition. On our return to the house exhausted with the heat we found several cards had been left for us, and in the course of the day received a visit from Don Manuel Lusarraga,Footnote ⁵⁶⁴ to whom I had brought a least a dozen letters of introduction from my Lima friends […] [fo. 109] Among others who were the first to call upon us I must not omit to mention Mr. LukenFootnote ⁵⁶⁵ the Yankee Consul, who was attentive beyond measure and showed great good nature in endeavouring to make our stay agreeable to us […]

The morning after our arrival accompanied by Mr. Luken we made a tour of the town on horseback and, in two hours, were enabled to form a very good idea of Guayaquil […] [fos 110–111]

[…] [O]f the manner in which a great part of the population live actually in the river on rafts I will try to give you some idea; [fo. 112] the ‘Balsas’ or rafts are about 50 feet in length by 20 wide constructed from trunks of immense trees bound together by cross pieces of timber and secured by lashings made from the ivy and other numerous creepers of the woods which serve instead of cordage. These rafts support huts made of cane (bamboo) and palm leaves, in which whole families live, consisting sometimes of as many as twenty persons: an amphibious and useless population. These floating habitations rest stationary abreast of a town or a village or according to the caprice of the owners, [who] shift their situation up or down the river with apparently no other inducement than that of supporting existence with the least possible labour […] There were moored alongside the mole of the town 60 of these Balsas and allowing 15 inhabitants on an average to each it makes 900 souls living in a state of comparative uselessness, and from what I could observe from our balcony it was too clear that the great majority of the occupants passed their lives in idleness, drunkenness and profligacy[. H]ow much better would it be if the Government were to forbid all except those engaged in some bona fide traffic [to live in this way] and by these means turn so many useful [fo. 113] hands to the cultivation of the soil which is now almost entirely abandoned. Whether it is from the climate which renders the inhabitants lazy or the fault of the Government I don't know, but I have no where seen a town where the lower orders appeared to me so degraded as at Guayaquil[. T]he dirt of the town is too frightful; there is no police, and if it were not for the heavy rains which fall almost without intermission for six months in the year and wash everything into the river, it never could escape the plague […] Quito the Capital of the Province, six days journey from Guayaquil, is the highest town (9,700 feet) in the world, [and] I was sorry that I had not time to visit it; they say it contains some very fine buildings and particularly the Cathedral […] [fos 114–117]

[fo. 118] Don Manuel Lusarraga, a Spaniard, formerly captain of a merchant vessel, having married in Guayaquil, received a considerable sum of money with his wife, and from his cleverness in trade has now become one of the richest men in the country and what is more to his credit is looked up to and respected by everybody.

The following day […] we left Guayaquil at eleven o'clock at night in order to avoid as much of the sun as possible and reached the ship at noon next day, anchored at Punta Española […] [fo. 119] Two days afterwards Mr. CopeFootnote ⁵⁶⁶ came down accompanied by General Wright and one or two other Gentlemen from Guayaquil to see the ship[. A] dinner on board the Cleopatra followed by one on shore wound up our visit to this river and, on the morning of Sunday the 12^th of November, we sailed for Punta Arena in the Gulf of Nicoya.

[fo. 120] The Province of ‘Ecuador’ finally obtained its independence by the battle of Pichincha in May 1822,Footnote ⁵⁶⁷ the last fought against the Spaniards in Columbia of which country it then formed a part […] Bolivar appointed SucreFootnote ⁵⁶⁸ to command in this country as well as in Bogota and it was under the directions of that General that Flores defeated the Peruvians under La MarFootnote ⁵⁶⁹ in the short war of 1828. Upon the separation of Columbia into the three independent republics of Venezuela, Nueva Granada and Ecuador it resumed the limits which had marked the province when ruled by a Captain General resident at Quito, dependent upon the Vice Roy of Bogota.

It was in May 1830 that it assumed the name of Ecuador and declared its separation from Columbia, since when it has had its share of civil wars[. I]n 1834 a struggle for power between RocafuerteFootnote ⁵⁷⁰ the actual President, and General Flores, inflicted upon the country all the horrors of civil war accompanied by famine and a fever resembling the plague […] The President Don Vicente […] resides at Quito and is an enlightened and liberal minded man, too much so indeed for the country, the tranquillity of which depends upon the good understanding which at this moment exists between him and Flores, who has a strong party in his favour. This General a Venezuelan by birth is one of the most distinguished now alive of Bolivar's followers & has at his disposal 2,000 of the Columbian veterans who would willingly second him in any attempt to subvert the present Government […] [fo. 121] Flores is accused by his enemies of having caused the assassination of Sucre who was murdered in 1830 […] Lusarraga assured me that there was no foundation in the report. The real assassin is a General ObandoFootnote ⁵⁷¹ and the reason for accusing Flores is his having entered into a treaty with that person afterwards on the subject of the disputed district of Pasto which lies between Nueva Granada & Ecuador.

Ecuador is conveniently situated for Commerce and could produce many valuable exports, especially coffee, sugar and cotton as well as indigo and all other productions peculiar to the Tropics[. A]t this moment the principal exports are Cocoa, grass hammocks and straw hats; of the latter an immense number are furnished to the other republics, the West Indies and the Brazils.

The Cocoa trade is falling off every year owing to the taste for tea having gained ground since the free communication with China[. T]he principal cargoes are sent in English vessels to Spain.

[fo. 122] The population of Ecuador does not exceed 300,000 souls and of which a great proportion are Indians. The prejudice against certain castes is carried to a great pitch here […] I made the acquaintance of an extraordinary person a Mr. Villamil.Footnote ⁵⁷² I don't [know] what Countryman to call him, [for he has] a French father and Spanish mother, [and] he was educated at New Orleans[. F]or some years he has been endeavouring to colonise the Galapagos Islands […] but as he was constantly getting into rows with whalers and other vessels, he has been lately recalled, and is furious on account of it[;] he is a man of about 50, speaks French, English & Spanish equally well and has the credit of being clever and appears to deserve his reputation.

The Commerce of England is inconsiderable with Ecuador. The republic takes her share of the debt contracted by Columbia but all agree in their inability to pay the bondholders; I think they may whistle for their dividends from any of these republics.

[fo. 123] Began at sea December 13^th, 1837.

Since I wrote last we have visited the three ports of Central America which the Mexican shipFootnote ⁵⁷³ touches at annually and we are now ten days out from the last one, steering for San Blas […] On the ninth day from Guayaquil we anchored off the island of San Lucas in the Gulf of Nicoya, Province of Costa Rica, about five miles from the village of Punta Arena […] and finding that there was not a single English subject in the place and no trade, I lost no time in getting under weigh as soon as the watering was finished […] The country [there] is almost without inhabitants and the few there are live in a most miserable state of poverty, and appear sickly. Punta Arena, until the last few months, has been the port of San José, capital of the Province, [fo. 124] situated sixty miles in the interior, but now a small bay on the opposite side of the Gulf called Caldera has been declared the ‘puerto habilitado’[. A] large hut has been built for a Custom house, and a few inhabitants from Punta Arena have removed to it […] I found an English Carpenter living here, most likely a deserter from the Rover[. H]e had been bit a few days before by a snake and had cut a piece of flesh out of his foot himself with his adze; the wound appeared very much enflamed, so I made him come over with me to the ship where the Doctor dressed it for him.

The whole province of Costa Rica contains only 70,000 inhabitants […] It is governed by a PresidentFootnote ⁵⁷⁴ and assembly forming a part of the Federation of Central America; its trade from the Atlantic comes through Nicaragua & its exports are very small, consisting of indigo and Brazil wood. I was too glad to get away and on Sunday the 26^th of Nov'r weighed & made sail for Realejo, in the Province of Nicaragua.

[fo. 125] We have a Vice Consul here, a Mr. Foster[,]Footnote ⁵⁷⁵ who came down to the ship upon hearing of our arrival. The Cholera had been raging in this Province but was now comparatively over […] I was shown the ruins of an old church said to have been destroyed by Lord Anson,Footnote ⁵⁷⁶ which however is not the case[;] it is more likely to have been done by the Buccaneers[. I]n Dampiere's VoyageFootnote ⁵⁷⁷ there is a description of an attack upon this place by the ship in which he served. The population is 1200 […] and Leon, the Capital of the Province of Nicaragua, is only twenty miles distant. The river of Realejo is very narrow for the last five miles, in some places leaving scarcely room for the boat's oars. The banks are formed by mangrove trees and swamps and the miasmaFootnote ⁵⁷⁸ which rises from the low ground makes it a most feverish looking place.

This Province has at present but little commerce owing to its disturbed state, but seems capable of producing every thing, and the gradual ascent of the [fo. 126] Volcano of Biejo might no doubt be made to produce richly. In quiet times the exports are cotton, indigo, coffee, coca, and a small quantity of cochineal. It has a good port on the Atlantic side called San Juan (famous for the attack made upon it by Lord Nelson)Footnote ⁵⁷⁹ where the English packet from Jamaica touches once a month. Mr. Foster who has long resided in the Country and is the Commercial Agent to most of the Lima and Valparaiso English houses is enthusiastic as to its capabilities, and considers that a communication between the two seas by the river of San Juan, the Lake of Nicaragua and Realejo might be easily accomplished[. W]hether this passage or that by Panama will ever be opened seems to me very doubtful[;] there are immense difficulties to overcome, and unless the communication were to be sufficiently large to admit vessels through, I doubt its success […]

From Realejo we sailed for Libertad on Dec'r 3^rd and came to that place on the 6^th[. I]t is the port of the province of San Salvador, the town of the same name lying 30 leagues in the interior. San Salvador is the capital of the Federation […] [fo. 127] After leaving the Volcano of Viejo, which marks Realejo we passed that of San Miguel which overhangs a small port called Conchagua[. O]f this last there was a terrible eruption three or four years ago.

[fo. 128] Central AmericaFootnote ⁵⁸⁰ more commonly known under its former name of GuatemalaFootnote ⁵⁸¹ gained its independence upon the success of the struggle in Mexico, the Spaniards having probably considered the fate of this Presidency to depend upon that of the Viceroyalty to which it was attached. The republic now consists of the Provinces of Costa Rica (which approaches the isthmus of Panama), of Nicaragua, San Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala. The Government is Federal, each province having its separate President and assembly connected with the Congress of San Salvador. The supreme President is General MorazanFootnote ⁵⁸² to whom all foreign Agents and Consuls are accredited. Nothing can exceed the confusion of this republic, and there is no unity of feeling between the different Provinces[.] I know little about the population or Politics of this country & am little interested about it, as [fo. 129] the state of savageness and ignorance of the inhabitants excites more disgust than curiosity. [fo. 130]

[fo. 131] At sea between San Blas & Mazatlan (Mexico), January 11^th 1838.

We reached San BlasFootnote ⁵⁸³ on Sunday the 7^th of January after a long and tedious passage of 30 days […] The port where most of the inhabitants now live is situated close to the creek which [forms] a small harbour. The old town is situated about three quarters of a mile from the landing place[;] it is built on a rocky eminence surrounded on every side by low swampy ground[. T]he remains of a fort and some large public buildings show that it must have been a place of considerable importance in the time of the Spaniards[. I]t and Acapulco had a great trade with China and the Philippine Islands and a galleon sailed from each of these places every year. Since the Independence, having no longer a monopoly, its trade has mostly now gone to Mazatlan and other [fo. 132] ports on the coast[. T]he whole population including the old and new town does not consist of 1,000 souls, and of these the greater part are obliged to leave their houses for a more healthy spot in the month of June when the rains set in […] The merchandise introduced by this port is forwarded immediately to the town of Tepic eighteen leagues in the interior. All the principal merchants reside there as well as our Vice Consul Mr. Barron,Footnote ⁵⁸⁴ who has written to me sending me newspapers, and inviting me to pay him a visit, which I shall most certainly do on my return in April, when the ship will remain about three weeks in San Blas.

[fo. 133] At sea, January 21^st 1838

Yesterday morning we sailed from the small port of Mazatlan after a stay there of five days, and we are now working up the Gulf of California for Guaymas, our farthest Northern destination. At Mazatlan there are a few American and German houses and the place is evidently rising in importance […] English merchandise is imported to a considerable amount[,] the Provinces of Sinaloa, Durango and others receiving goods from that place. The returns are made in specie, most of which is smuggled on board the annual man of war, for which purpose the ship will return there in the beginning of March […]

[fo. 134] On the 16^th the American man of war schooner Boxer Footnote ⁵⁸⁵ arrived from Lima, bringing me a letter of the 3^rd of December from Wilson, containing an account of the treaty of peace entered into at a place called PancarpataFootnote ⁵⁸⁶ between General Blanco on the part of Chile and Santa Cruz […] [I]t appears that the Protector had surrounded the Chilian army with more than a doubly superior force, and when they were completely in his power granted terms which do him great honour, and by his moderation in allowing the Chilenos to retire with such favourable terms, he has done more for the welfare of both countries and for the consolidation of his own Government than would have resulted from the most complete victory. Wilson has offered the guarantee of Great Britain to this treaty, and as you may suppose writes in high glee. No news could have pleased me more, and I hope that the Consul's anticipations may prove correct, and that Peru may enjoy more quiet and security than has hitherto fallen to her lot.

We are not without our little revolutions here in this remote part of Mexico. During our stay at Mazatlan the neighbouring province of Sonora under the direction of a General UrreaFootnote ⁵⁸⁷ issued a proclamation declaring for a Federal Constitution and calling upon the other provinces to join in opposing the present [fo. 135] Central form of Government and the President of the Republic BustamanteFootnote ⁵⁸⁸ […]

March 6^th 1838 running for Mazatlan

[fo. 136] On the 28^th of January the ship anchored in the beautiful harbour of Guaymas[, which] is full of small islands and the whole basin surrounded with rugged hills almost totally devoid of vegetation and of most extraordinary shapes […] The merchants mostly live in Pitic, but come down to the Port on the arrival of the annual man of war to smuggle their specie on board. In the town of Guaymas there is nothing to be seen […] I spent one day in exploring it and presented my letters of introduction, among which was one to an English shopkeeper Mr Yeoward.Footnote ⁵⁸⁹

[fo. 137] February 2^nd

On […] having had considerable difficulty in procuring horses and mules in time to reach our stopping place that night, we started at 9 A.M., our party consisting of Mr. Yeoward and the Surgeon of the ship, in addition to Streleski and myself […] [fos 138–141] We reached Pitic about eight o'clock in the evening, but it was so dark I could form no idea of what sort of a place it was[. W]e rode to the house of Don A. AndradeFootnote ⁵⁹⁰ father-in-law to my merchant friend […] The following morning I received a visit from Don Joaquim Lonstannau,Footnote ⁵⁹¹ also married to a daughter of the old Andrade, and a partner in the house of Inigo […]

Here you have us fairly installed in this most remote town of Mexico, the existence of which not only you but many even in the republic itself have no idea of […] We were all very much struck with the apparent prosperity of this town separated as it were from the civilised parts of the republic situated in the middle of Indian tribes and surrounded by a country resembling a desert. I was the more unprepared for it, as, with the exception of Valparaiso, I have not seen a single town […] in Spanish America which, instead of showing signs of improvement, does not, on the contrary, give of proof of having fallen off. [fo. 142] I daresay and indeed I have no doubt, that the Independence, in spite of all its drawbacks has been the greatest of blessings to all these countries but what they have gained in liberty they have for the present certainly lost in respectability, and although the interior of the country has been the gainer, yet the ruins of the Spanish establishments strike one with a contrary idea, upon arriving at the sea ports.

[fo. 143] Our arrival created a great sensation, as no English Captain excepting Captain Graham of the Rattlesnake Footnote ⁵⁹² had ever visited the place and our all speaking Spanish gave us a great advantage over his party […] [fo. 144] I expressed a wish to my host Lostannau to go to some silver mine in the neighbourhood […] and on Monday the 5^th of February we started for our expedition not on horseback, but in a comfortable English carriage with four good mules […] We arrived about five in the evening at the village of Zubiate, consisting of the Indian huts and mud cottages of the people connected with the mine […] [fo. 145] The following morning at seven o'clock we rode to the mine and spent four hours there before breakfast. [fo. 146]

[fo. 147] I had never before seen a mine, and was therefore much interested in going through the whole detail. I descended to the very bottom 80 yards perpendicular and about double the distance counting the windings. I found it much easier than I expected[;] the ladders consisted of single spares, with notches cut in them for steps. We had taken our jackets and waistcoats off as, owing to the quantity of grease from the coarse tallow candles, they would otherwise have been spoiled[.] I also took the precaution of tying a handkerchief round my head […] At the bottom we found the ‘barteros’[,] the men working with the crowbar and blasting iron. When we were all collected, they charged a hole with powder, and [fo. 148] having told us to shelter ourselves behind the corner, they set fire to the train, and the report was very great owing to the reverberation. Having examined every thing at the mine we returned to breakfast, after which we were shown all the detail of extracting the metal, which according to the quality of the stone was effected by the process of fire or by the amalgamation of quicksilver[. I]n short, I talked of mining for some time afterwards with an ‘aplomb’ that would have frightened any less knowing person. All the process of grinding and washing the stone is carried on in the rudest way you can imagine[. N]o machinery was used in this mine beyond a common wheel turned by a mule. They told us that the machinery brought out from England had failed, in every instance, where there were not English Engineers […] The following day we reached Pitic in time for dinner, and found that the Chief of the ‘Pronunciamento’ General Urrea had arrived during our absence […] [fo. 149] [H]e is a man about three or four and thirty, a soldier like looking person and apparently a very powerful man[. A] great quantity of whisker and mustachios give him a ferocious look, but upon further acquaintance the expression of his countenance is good natured[;] he talked a great deal to me about his plans and seemed to reckon confidently upon being joined by a great number of Provinces. Among his followers there was one very superior to the others[,] a Don Manuel Escalante y Arriga[.Footnote ⁵⁹³ H]e had been for many years Governor of the Province, and I take it is in reality the chief director of this revolution. He mentioned that the Central Government never turned their attention to the remote Provinces except to appoint a Custom house Collector who, paying a bribe to the minister of Finance, only considered his appointment as the means of robbery. The Administration of Justice is equally corrupt and, a few years ago upon the revolt of a large tribe of Indians, when the existence of the whole white population was in danger, they could procure no assistance whatever from Mexico. These and other vexations have induced them to declare for the original Federal Constitution of 1824, and Urrea, [fo. 150] who is a native of Sonora, lately appointed Military Commandante of the Northern Provinces, was easily induced to put himself at the head of the movement, being disaffected to the Government owing to the Texas CampaignFootnote ⁵⁹⁴ in which he was the only Mexican General who acted with any courage or honesty, and his doing so was the cause of his making enemies of the other Generals, who only thought of retreating upon the capture of Santa Ana.Footnote ⁵⁹⁵ I have little doubt that Urrea is as big a rogue as the others, but all agree in allowing that he is brave and that he showed great activity in Tejas.

[fo. 151] Within a week after our return from Zubiate, Lonstannaò gave a ball ‘en obsequio’ of Urrea and myself […] [fo. 152] I determined much as I hate dancing to do my best, therefore I waltzed as much out of time as you please […] The dresses of the women, so far as I am a judge[,] might have passed muster in London, and are all made by themselves[. T]here were some very pretty faces among them, but I never saw such fat people in my life, especially the women […] I cannot account for such condition unless it is from the quantity of ‘frijoles’ French beans, and ‘tortillas de maiz’ things like pancakes made of Indian corn which they eat […] [fo. 153–155]

[fo. 156] […] On Saturday [17 February] we got on board in time for dinner; I found the ship painted and all to rights; a great deal of money had been shipped during my absence. A Russian Brig (Russian Captain Woewodsky),Footnote ⁵⁹⁶ half transport, and half Man of War had arrived in the harbour […] [fo. 157] I found the Captain of the Russian a gentlemanlike young man, who spoke French[. H]e gave me a long account of the colony of Sitka,Footnote ⁵⁹⁷ and although perhaps one ought not to believe any Russian yet his statement was so corroborated by Inigo […] It is only of late years that they have come to Guaymas[. T]hey send cargoes of wood to Inigo, who funds them in return with the supplies that they are in need of. They have a small fortified establishment at BodegaFootnote ⁵⁹⁸ on the coast of upper California; they send a vessel there occasionally to dry fish. [fo. 158]

[fo. 159] Estado de Sonora

Sonora is situated nearly 700 miles from the Capital of Mexico […] The climate in summer is excessively hot but remarkably dry […] Everywhere there is a great scarcity of water, [and] in some places a traveller is twenty leagues without meeting a well […] Don Manuel Escalante, late Governor [of Sonora], and from whom I gained most of my information, told me that from 70 to 80 thousand was an ample allowance for the white inhabitants […] [fo. 160] If it is difficult to calculate with any certainty the white population, how much more, then, to form any just idea of the Indian Population, consisting for the greater part of nomadic tribes, speaking entirely different languages[.] Of these Tribes, I will only mention the four principal ones (Apaches, Pimas, Opatas, Yaquis) although there are many others, some of which, thanks to brandy, are becoming nearly extinct […] Since the conquest the Spaniards have been in a constant state of warfare with them and have been indebted to the Opatas and Pimas with whom they have always been on good terms for a defence against their incursions. These latter Indians still preserve the memory of the first treaty entered into with the Spaniards and which they celebrate once a year […]

Sonora, in the time of the Spaniards, was guarded by small stations of soldiers, which were called ‘Presidios’ […] [fo. 161] Since the Independence these Presidios have been neglected and the incursions of the Indians have been more successful[. O]f those who live on the Northern frontier there are few families who have not lost some of their numbers in this border warfare. The disregard paid to their demand for assistance from the Government is the great cause of the present ‘pronunciamento’ […] The stories of [the Apaches] covering themselves with leaves and other tricks reminded me of Cooper's novelsFootnote ⁵⁹⁹ […] I read some extraordinary accounts of their treachery and cruelty in an old book written by a Jesuit, who had gone among them, [and] you have no idea of the dread caused by them […] [fo. 162]

[fo. 163] The Yaquis [fo. 164] […] originally formed treaties with the Jesuits, who whatever might have been their faults in Europe are still looked upon by the Indians in America as the defenders of their race […] They were expelled from this part of America about sixty years ago,Footnote ⁶⁰⁰ since when the old Indians told us all had been going wrong with them […] [fo. 165] They have revolted three times against the Spaniards and probably not without cause[;] the first time was in 1735 when the war lasted until 1740 and twice lately in 1825 & 1832.Footnote ⁶⁰¹ [fo. 166]

[fo. 167] The Province of Sonora with so many natural advantages has little chance of making much improvement while it remains in the hands of these Mexicans, [but] if the Yankees as is most probable […] push on and repeat the scene of Tejas its riches will be turned to a better account.

[fo. 168] We have embarked from Guaymas 560,000$ principally in silver bars and gold in lumps and dust […] [T]he average sum sent to England every year is of silver 600,000 and of gold 300,000 […] The specie goes to pay for the Introduction of European goods. The same person informed me that the Gov't would at least receive 400,000 dollars a year from the Custom house of Guaymas, if properly administered and the duties more justly laid on, but as it is the country does not receive a farthing, [for] all the profit from bribes comes to the share of the collector who pays for his appointment to the Finance Minister […]

The discovery of New Mines in Sonora occur[s] daily, as well as what are called ‘placeres’, places where gold is found loose near the surface of the ground[. O]ne [fo. 169] of these places discovered about a year ago has drawn one third of the inhabitants from Guaymas […] In the travels of Padre Kino, a Jesuit,Footnote ⁶⁰² he mentions an instance of a poor man having discovered a lump of silver virgin ore so heavy that they could not manage to lift it on a horse's back and were unable to break it. The poor finder as is generally the case derived no benefit from this piece of good fortune, as a Rich Spaniard setting up a claim bribed the Judge and thus defrauded the proper owner […] [fo. 170]

[fo. 171] Mazatlan, March 15^th, 1838.

We arrived here on the 10^th and found the place in a great commotion, Urrea's friends expecting to be attacked by troops from the adjoining province of Xalisco; in this state affairs still remain […] An old Colonel […] commands here with about 300 men, a hundred of whom are ‘Opatas’ Indians, sent from Sonora. Owing to this revolution we have no difficulty in embarking the money which is ready for us and we are every day taking in a considerable sum […] The Americans ParrottFootnote ⁶⁰³ & TalbotFootnote ⁶⁰⁴ of the principal commercial house are civil, but as vulgar Yankees are not the most agreeable people […] The Germans are dirty and are always smoking […] [fo. 172] My principal friends are two young Mexicans with whom I often ride. One, Don Angel Cuesta […] presented me a few days ago with a copy of Urrea's journal during the Campaign of TejasFootnote ⁶⁰⁵ […] [fo. 173] I cannot conceive upon what grounds Urrea has entered into this business unless he really has friends in the other Provinces […] The news from Canada, which we received upon our first arrival, was very warlike; it seems now that the insurrection is nearly put down.Footnote ⁶⁰⁶ The Mexicans are praying for a war between England and the United States as they are still very sore upon the Texas affair […]

[fo. 174] The last news from Mexico [is that] accounts that the dispute with the French is less likely to be settled amicably than ever.Footnote ⁶⁰⁷ All the Mexicans are furious about the injustice of the claims, [and] in that they have I believe some reason, but if for two years the Government has neglected all attempts to do justice upon the representations of the French minister, it is only fair that they should now suffer. Although in the Ultimatum of Baron DeffandisFootnote ⁶⁰⁸ many of the details are ridiculous (such as for instance 10,000 dollars for pastry eaten by some soldiers breaking into a ‘Pastoleros’ shop) yet it is now the principle more than the detail; and although one cannot approve the bullying tone adopted by France to all these republics, yet an example is wanted to bring their pride down. [fos 175–178]

At sea Gulf of California, April 20^th, 1838

[fo. 179] […] Nothing could be more striking than the contrast between this country and that of Sonora & Sinaloa[. H]ere we had all the varied scenery and rich vegetation of the Brazils, while there, the mountains enclosed nothing but sandy and barren plains. As we approached the town we passed several villages and at 10 A.M. entered the town of Tepic [fo. 180] […] We found the Consul waiting to receive us and a breakfast ready for which we were all ravenous […] After breakfast we all took a sleep before dressing for the day. As soon as we showed out, we were called upon by Don Alejandro Forbes,Footnote ⁶⁰⁹ an old Scotchman who has been twenty years in Tepic and whose nephew is partner to Mr. Barron […]

[fo. 181] Tepic is situated in a plain at the distance of twenty leagues by the road from San Blas […] The Church and Convent of Santa Cruz stands in a most romantic little valley close beneath the rising ground which Mr. Forbes had led us to […] Before the revolution it contained a rich set of monks. The clergy however in Mexico still preserve considerable influence over the lower classes, although the rising generation of the better orders have gone into the opposite extreme[:] those who have gone to Europe for their education have generally chosen France, and most books introduced are translations of French novels and those authors who laugh at all religion. [fos 182–183] The following day […] I had a long conversation with the Consul about the affairs of the Country[;] he appears to be a Centralista, and in favour of the present Government. I heard from him that a General ParedesFootnote ⁶¹⁰ had marched only a few days before for Mazatlan with the intention of taking the place by assault. Barron seemed to think that there was no doubt of his success, [and] such being the case, I determined to return there almost immediately, for although it was a great nuisance leaving my comfortable quarters so soon, yet my conscience told me that my presence might very probably save the inhabitants from being robbed and murdered […]

On the 10^th at sunset with a full moon I left Tepic with the Midshipmen leaving Streleski to wait my return and only resting two hours reached San Blas at seven in the morning; at eight the ship was at sea and I was in bed […] [fo. 184] That same evening I landed in Mazatlan, finding the place in a great uproar. The preparations for defence were completed and made a respectable appearance [but] would not have stood a moment against 300 European Cavalry […]

[fo. 185] Paredes was within five leagues where he had halted[. H]ad he come on at once there is no doubt that more than half of the defenders would have laid down their arms[;] indeed it had been proposed to do so […] but a young Engineer had abused them in such a way, and [they] had been joined by a hundred of the most determined, who threatened to fire upon their own friends if they attempted to give in, that it was now determined to make good their defence, and from the hesitation of Paredes in stopping and attempting to treat I shall not be astonished, owing to the confidence they now show, if they are able to maintain themselves. The next day the American Consul Mr. Talbot proposed to land men from the schooner to defend their house, in the fear of the town being sacked […] [fo. 186] I was determined to keep neutral and good friends with all, [and] I offered the ship as an asylum to any merchants who wished to take refuge[.] I did not permit any person to be on shore after sunset and gave the officers positive orders, that upon the first alarm during the day, they were to make their way on board. I soon found that there would be no fighting, although at one time it looked like it […] [fo. 187] After four days of treating, I found there was little chance of their coming to a close and I bid good bye to Mazatlan with great pleasure and sailed this morning for San Blas where we have every prospect of arriving tomorrow evening. [fo. 188]

[fo. 189] Begun at sea May 2^d 1838

Yesterday evening we weighed from San Blas homeward bound we hope, but of that we cannot be certain until we arrive at Valparaiso […] [fo. 190] From the 20^th of April until the 30^th I remained living [at San Blas] with Mr. Barron, and both Streleski and myself were very sorry when the time came for our final departure. I have seldom met a nicer person than Barron anywhere and his kindness & hospitality are justly celebrated […] [H]is story is an extraordinary one[:] he was born at Cadiz his father an Irishman and in the early part of his life seems to have had no profession but like many others supposing 20 thousand pounds which he had left him inexhaustible, he came to England and very soon found his mistake in the expenses attendant upon a dandy's life into which he entered in London. I believe he then returned to Spain; be that as it may, in 1821, as he told me himself, he was filling the post of aide de camp to the Spanish General O'ReillyFootnote ⁶¹¹ in Peru, [when] he was taken prisoner with that General by a division of San Martin's army […] [fo. 191] San Martin and General Miller both behaved kindly to him and when he was released, he felt himself in honour bound to continue in the Spanish service, and on his arrival in Lima was named aide de camp to Pezuela the Viceroy.Footnote ⁶¹² Santa Cruz at the same period resigned his Spanish commission and joined the Patriots. Upon the retreat of the Spaniards from the Capital[,] Barron threw up his commission and left Peru, sailing for Manilla in an American ship[;] he then visited the Sandwich Islands and came on to San Blas & Tepic but with no fixed plan. The Aurora Footnote ⁶¹³ English frigate was about to sail from San Blas to England at this time, and Captain Prescott having offered him passage he was on the point of accepting when, changing his mind after his trunks were actually on board, he proposed to a Spanish widow, his present wife, and returned to Tepic. Mr. Alexander Forbes received him into partnership, and he has not left the country since […] [fo. 192]

[fo. 193] Sketch of the History of Mexican Independence

The revolution of New Spain, now Mexico, owes its immediate origin to the invasion of Spain by the French armies in 1808,Footnote ⁶¹⁴ which left the Viceroy without the authority derived from the Court of Madrid. The actual outbreak of the struggle dates from September 1810, when the curate Hidalgo,Footnote ⁶¹⁵ joined by a few discontented officers, raised the standard of rebellion in the small town of Dolores in the Province of Guanajuato[;] he was soon joined by thousands of Indians. It is a curious coincidence how nearly all the Spanish colonies in America raised the standard at the same time without the least previous concert or arrangement, and few with any fixed plan.[Footnote ⁶¹⁶ N]othing can more clearly prove that the same causes led to this event in all, and how impossible it was for Spain to prevent the emancipation when the time had once come. At first, the feeling was against France and in favour of Ferdinand. The confusion in Spain, weakening the authority of the Viceroys, admitted the introduction of books [fo. 194] which had before been prohibited in all the Colonies[. T]hese were greedily seized upon and men who before had not been able to express their discontent under the strong hand of Spanish colonial rule now took advantage of the general effervescence, and the lower classes by a sort of unanimous instinct joined the initial cry for independence […] Hidalgo as well as most of the CreoleFootnote ⁶¹⁷ clergy were dissatisfied at all the riches of the church being in the hands of the Spaniards, in which they were not permitted to share, thus the revolution was joined by so many of the native clergy. One is astonished at the blindness of Spain whose system of government for her colonies was based upon religious influence, for preventing intercourse with foreigners (as heretics) [and] in not having secured the aid of the Creole clergy, who were possessed of an unbounded influence over the mixed population of the lower classes. The army of Hidalgo at one time amounted to upwards of 80,000 men,Footnote ⁶¹⁸ but [it was] so inefficiently armed and totally without discipline that they were defeated by 7,000 regular Spanish troops under Calleja, afterwards Viceroy and Conde de CalderónFootnote ⁶¹⁹ in reward for the victory gained by him at a bridge of that name near Guadalajara. The cruelties committed by Morillo in Columbia and retaliated by Bolivar were perhaps exceeded in Mexico.Footnote ⁶²⁰ The massacre of all the Spaniards in the city of Guanajuato by the followers of HidalgoFootnote ⁶²¹ exasperated their countrymen and led to a ‘Guerra a muerte’ on both sides accompanied with most frightful cruelties[;] it had also the effect of frightening the better orders of the creoles who had seen many of their own caste sacrificed by the Indians, and were therefore driven to make common cause with the Spaniards. [fo. 195] Hidalgo had no plan [and] his cry was ‘Viva America and the Virgin of Guadalupe!’Footnote ⁶²²

Hidalgo, taken prisoner, was shotFootnote ⁶²³ and succeeded by Morelos,Footnote ⁶²⁴ another curate who was the most distinguished of these original chiefs, for five years assisted by Rajon,Footnote ⁶²⁵ Matamoros,Footnote ⁶²⁶ Guerrero,Footnote ⁶²⁷ Victoria,Footnote ⁶²⁸ and many others[. H]e made a successful war against the Viceroy[, but] was ultimately defeated by IturbideFootnote ⁶²⁹ a Mexican commanding a Spanish division, and shortly afterwards betrayed by some of his own soldiers and shot in Mexico[. U]pon his death his followers dispersed[,] many maintaining themselves in the mountains and distant provinces[. U]pon Mina's landing in 1816Footnote ⁶³⁰ with a few English and American followers, few of the natives joined him, owing to his time being badly chosen and to his being a Spaniard; he personally did wonders but his undertaking met with the same fate as the preceding ones, and he was executed […]

After the death of Mina, ApodacaFootnote ⁶³¹ the Viceroy flattered himself with the hope of submitting the nation to the old sway, and in the years 1818 & 19 the war may be said to have subsided. Most of the leaders had accepted an amnesty granted them by the Spanish government[. S]ome had left the country to wait for a better opportunity and a few, among whom the most noted were the Generals Guerrero and Victoria concealed themselves in the mountains watching for a moment to renew the struggle[. N]owhere however had the feeling in favour of Independence lost any of its strength, and this temporary submission was occasioned by the hopelessness of the cause under leaders acting without concert or method; Javala, the best Mexican author, mentions that in 1819 there was not a native who was not ready to throw off the Spanish authority upon the first prospect of doing so successfully, [fo. 196] nor a Spaniard who would not have opposed it to the last, such was the feeling & the violent party spirit which it gave rise to and which exists to this day.

In 1820 the news of the revolution of the Isla de LeonFootnote ⁶³² reached Mexico and instructions were sent from the Cortes of SpainFootnote ⁶³³ to Apodaca to declare the constitution of 1812[. T]o this the Viceroy unwillingly acceded[:] the prisons [were] opened [and] the press, declared free, became an active engine in favour of independence, and the Mexicans one and all hailed their approaching freedom from Spain. The small band of followers which General Guerrero had maintained in the mountains near Acapulco was daily joined by large numbers. The Viceroy, the Clergy, [and] the rich Spanish party were in dismay but disunited in their opinions as to the mode, although agreed in the determination, to concede as little as possible to the nation. Apodaca it is said had even formed the plan of inviting Ferdinand to Mexico in his enthusiasm for royal power and the preservation of the abuses of a bigoted clergy [and] in this he would have been joined by a great majority of the Spaniards, and had he proposed a constitutional monarchy it would have contented even the Mexicans, who had no other wish than that of independence of the mother country[. A]s yet the idea of a republic had not been publicly advanced, but this was by no means his intention[;] on the contrary while he pretended to obey the instructions of the Cortes, it is supposed that, in accordance to private orders from Ferdinand, he was secretly determined to do all in his power to maintain the country under the old system, for which purpose he fixed upon Don Agustin Iturbide who although a Mexican was the most distinguished of the royalist officers, and was noted for the cruel zeal which he had shown in executing the mandates from Madrid.Footnote ⁶³⁴ [fo. 197] This officer, thus confidentially entrusted, advanced with a chosen division of troops towards the part of the country occupied by Guerrero and the friends of independence[. H]e left Mexico [City] in the last days of 1820 and on his march seized nearly a million of dollars ($800,000 belonging to the Manilla merchants & recovered for them by [Eustace] Barron in 1837) destined for embarkation at Acapulco[. I]n short it is well known how Iturbide disappointed his employers and put himself at the head of that revolution which he was thus appointed to quell[. H]e was immediately joined by Guerrero and his followers; at the cry raised at Iguala,Footnote ⁶³⁵ the place where Iturbide declared himself, all Mexico was in motion. The Viceroy gave orders immediately to collect all the Spanish troops which were to be sent […] against the new chief, but this was not the tumultuous assemblage of 1810 of Indians, headed by a priest shouting, ‘Mueran los Gachupines, Viva la senora de Guadalupe’[.Footnote ⁶³⁶ I]t was headed by a soldier, the most renowned in the country, and backed by the simultaneous shout of a nation who with disciplined troops spoke in the name of the people, and demanded rights already acknowledged. The Viceroy no longer found Creole soldiers ready to march under Spanish generals to fight against their countrymen; the native officers had already declared for Iturbide, and the soldiers followed their example, wherever they were able. In the capital all was confusion, the Creoles separating from the Spaniards; the latter, with the troops of the peninsula alone to depend on, were convinced of the hopelessness of subduing the supporters of independence.

[fo. 198] From this momentFootnote ⁶³⁷ Mexico was free, and the independence was achieved without more bloodshed, and for Iturbide had he understood his position the principal difficulties were removed. The war of independence against which he had fought since 1810 finished upon his assuming the side of the country at Iguala[. H]e was at the head of the nation, with no rival to oppose him, seconded by an army confiding in his talents and from the seizure of treasure already mentioned well supplied with money[. I]t depended upon himself to turn these advantageous circumstances to account, and to form the Government which he might consider best adapted to the country and to the people[;] he had no parties to contend with as yet. All looked to him as the Saviour of the nation and the mass of the population had no fixed plan beyond the emancipation from Spain. It was now that he published the famous Plan of Iguala so undeservedly cried up as conciliating all interests, when to do which was evidently impossible […]

It has been so much the fashion to praise this plan that by dint of doing so, most Europeans, who have written about Mexico, have given it as a Chef d'Oeuvre of Political wisdom, when certainly it seems when coolly considered to contain many absurdities[. F]or instance, is it not ridiculous to suppose that Ferdinand would accept the Constitution of Iguala after having refused that of the Cortes of Spain and, more so to suppose that the offer of the crown of a country which he already considered his own by divine right would be an acceptable one[?] [A]nd again was it likely that upon the inevitable rejection of this throne with limited authority by the royal family of Spain that the Congress of Mexico [fo. 199] would be sufficiently enlightened and patriotic as to lay aside all party feeling, and to constitute a form of Government adapted to the nation?

During these occurrences, in the month of July 1821, Don Juan O'DonojúFootnote ⁶³⁸ arrived at Vera Cruz appointed to succeed Apodaca as Viceroy, but finding that the country he came to govern was no longer a colony but an independent nation […] he entered into a treaty with Iturbide, considering that by so doing he might gain commercial advantages for Spain and the Spaniards in the country which a useless opposition would have lost for ever.

This treatyFootnote ⁶³⁹ was drawn up in the town of Cordova from which it takes its name, and the two contracting parties agreed in the following terms, viz. ‘A Constitutional and Representative monarchy, Liberty of the Press, Guarantee of Individual rights, equality between Mexicans & Spaniards then resident in the country; One of the Spanish Bourbon family to be called to the throne and the formation of a Provisional Government’[.]Footnote ⁶⁴⁰

Such was the famous treaty of Cordova, and the army was called the ‘Trigarante’ or the Three Guarantees. Of course the ratification was necessary both by the Spanish government, and by the Congress of Mexico.Footnote ⁶⁴¹ This treaty concluded, Iturbide and O'Donoju proceeded to Mexico [City], where they entered without the least opposition from the Spanish troops. [fo. 200] Don Juan Davila commanding in Vera Cruz threw himself with many other officers and soldiers into the Castile of San Juan de Ulloa, knowing that the act of O'Donoju would be disapproved of by the Govt of Spain. This fortress was maintained by the Spaniards until 1825.Footnote ⁶⁴²

Iturbide made his public entry into the Capital on the 27^th of September 1821 and was received with the greatest enthusiasm. He had the nation at his disposal[;] he had proved himself the chief of the revolution, and had he taken advantage of the confidence placed in him, and at once instead of binding himself thus foolishly to the Plan of Iguala, formed his own Government and as Dictator or Protector (no matter the title) proceeded with a fixed plan to reform, and to constitute a Government suited to so mixed and so ignorant a population, many think that Mexico might have been spared all the successive civil wars that have long desolated that unfortunate country[. O]ne strong directing power was what the revolution was in need of, to compose the different interests, and to secure individual liberty and property, and to arrange the finances, instead of which to abandon the nation newly emancipated with all its exigencies to the debates and party animosities of a Congress & to the opposing ambitions of a collective power, was to sow the seeds of anarchy and party strife, which has but too clearly proved the fault committed. Iturbide has been compared by his admirers to Washington, but nothing can be more false than such a comparison, [for] Washington alone in the History of America [fo. 201] seems to have understood his position and that of his countrymen and therefore his reputation will never be lost.[ O]n the contrary Iturbide and Bolivar, equally placed with the future destiny of their respective countries dependent upon them, showed themselves ignorant of what was required of them, and seemed to have looked upon the revolution as a thing of their own creating, and that it might be turned according [to their] caprice or ambition[;] the natural result followed and they both fell as unequal to their mission. One is struck by the similar spirit in which these two men appear to have acted, [for] both seemed to have wished to have taken as a model the North American and both to have equally misunderstood the distinct position of North and South America.Footnote ⁶⁴³ I have heard the absence of Washington regretted in South America, but it has often struck me that he would have been badly placed among the Spanish Americans[. A] Dictator to rule them with a rod of iron would be fitter for their present condition, and all agree that at first, beyond independence, the nation had no common wish […]

A junta was formed, as was also a temporary regency, at the head of which was Iturbide himself. This ‘junta gubernacion’ was scarcely installed before dissensions broke out and parties were formed; during its existence of four months it passed laws without number and without sense, impoverishing the country by diminishing the resources, [fo. 202] and at the same time upon the old colonial system it created a host of employees. Towards the end of February 1822, the Constituent Congress met, composed of the most mixed and opposing elements. At once the different parties declared themselves; the BorbonistasFootnote ⁶⁴⁴ who desired a prince of Spain, the Republicans, and the Iturbidistas. The two former, opposed to each other in every thing except in their common enmity to the party of Iturbide, were joined in their endeavours to thwart his government by the Spaniards, who looked to any means to ruin the person whom they considered as the cause of the revolution, and who also had the hope of reestablishing the authority of the mother country in the strife of parties.

The majority of the Generals as well as the army were devoted to Iturbide and it only depended on himself to turn this attachment to a good purpose. The Generals Victoria & Guerrero joined the republican party […] Bravo,Footnote ⁶⁴⁵ BarraganFootnote ⁶⁴⁶ and Bustamante were the most noted among the Borbonistas but it was in the Congress where the strongest feeling was manifested against the new Government[. T]he opposition instituted a masonic lodge which gave the name of ‘Escoseses’Footnote ⁶⁴⁷ to its members. Borbonistas and republicans equally belonged to this society, which became the focus of the plots against Iturbide. While these dissensions became more violent every day, the army, the clergy and a great majority of the people, dreading a civil war, were anxiously expecting Iturbide to take a decided step[. H]e appeared undecided but at last the troops stationed in Mexico [City] and the lower classes of the Capital, excited by his friends, assembled on the night of the 18^th of May 1822 [fo. 203] and declared the general [to be] Emperor with shouts of ‘Viva Agustin the First’[. A]n enthusiasm seized upon the whole population, the streets were illuminated, and the following day the Congress intimidated by the mob, confirmed the choice […]

The first enthusiasm over[,] it was necessary to form a Court and a Government, [and] a royalty without ‘prestige’ [and] without antecedents must necessarily copy its forms from other countries[. M]odels were taken from Spain from France and from the viceregal court, [and] it became a ridiculous burlesque, the finances daily declining. The opposition unwearied in its attacks, it was too evident that there was no more stability in the government of the Emperor than there had been in that of the Junta. Iturbide from fault to fault finished by losing his popularity and at last, when too late, he determined on dissolving the Congress[. O]ne of his generals having surrounded the House of Assembly with a regiment of infantry, ordered the members to disperse, informing them that he had orders to see the imperial decree carried into effect in half an hour.Footnote ⁶⁴⁸ What a parody upon Napoleon and the Five Hundred!Footnote ⁶⁴⁹ The Deputies retired, carrying with them to their respective provinces a more violent animosity than ever against the Emperor. Still late as it was, had Iturbide depended on his army and at once acted with decision & energy, abdicating the empty title of Emperor and taken that of Dictator, he might have saved the country, but […] he relapsed into all of his former indecision. The Constitution once infringed, half measures were childish […] [and] quarrels among the Generals led to parties in the army that had hitherto been faithful to him. Santa Ana, who has since become so notorious from having so frequently changed sides, was the first to declare openly against the Emperor [fo. 204] […] Iturbide, instead of himself marching against Santa Ana, entrusted the command of his army to the Generals who instead of obeying his instructions published a manifesto called that of ‘Casa Mata’Footnote ⁶⁵⁰ to which Santa Ana and his followers adhered, and General Guadalupe Victoria was hailed as chief of the republican party. Iturbide now convinced of his inability to maintain his seat as Emperor, abdicated the throne on the 11^th of May 1823, and embarked at Vera Cruz for Leghorn,Footnote ⁶⁵¹ the country allowing him a pension. After his departure the Congress was reassembledFootnote ⁶⁵² and an Executive Government was formed consisting of the three Generals Victoria, Bravo and Negrete,Footnote ⁶⁵³ but the departure of Iturbide had by no means reconciled the different parties[. T]he idea of a monarchy appears to have been abandoned, [and] the Republicans were joined [by] the Iturbidistas in their animosity to the Borbonistas and the Spaniards; from this date the nation may be said to have formed two distinct parties which have since gone by the names of Federalistas and Centralistas, the latter joined by all the Spaniards.

[fo. 205] The Congress [met] again and a large majority of the deputies came full of enthusiasm for the Federal Constitution,Footnote ⁶⁵⁴ having taken that of North America as their model, in promoting which Mr. Poinsett,Footnote ⁶⁵⁵ Diplomatic Agent from the United States, was an active partisan. About the same time Mr. Canning sent Mr. O'GormanFootnote ⁶⁵⁶ as Consul General. In the beginning of ’24 the Federal system was declared by the Congress and acknowledged throughout the republic; nevertheless, partial risings of troops under discontented Generals continued [and] such was still the unsettled state of the country that the Iturbidistas induced the ex-Emperor to embark from Southampton in May 1824 and return to Mexico. The Congress upon hearing of this voted him ‘hors la loi’ and put a price on his head.

About the middle of June, Iturbide landed in Tamaulipas and General Garza, commanding in the district, showed by his vacillating conduct that he would gladly have joined him had he not feared the consequences[;] he accompanied him however to the small town of Padilla, the seat of the legislature of the state. Iturbide had left his wife and two of his children on board the brig in which he came over, and was only accompanied by a Pole, of the name of BinenskiFootnote ⁶⁵⁷ who served him as aide de camp. Upon arriving in Padilla he was seized by the authorities, and the death warrant of this unfortunate chief was signed and allowed to be carried into execution the same afternoon, [fo. 206] without any attempt being made to prevent it. Five deputies had only pronounced this sentence and the inhabitants, not amounting to more than three thousand, of which the greater part were Indians, saw it put in force with the greatest indifference. Thus the news of the arrival of Iturbide in Mexico and that of his death in Padilla reached the Capital on the same day and was hailed with indecent joy by the republican party[. There] is no doubt he still had a considerable number of partisans in the country, and even now after so long a time I have heard him regretted as the only man who might have saved the country from all the anarchy and misery which it has suffered since the Independence.

This atrocious act being committed, the opposition for a moment ceased and the Congress occupied itself in forming a Constitution.

October 1824. Guadalupe Victoria entered upon his office of President, having as Vice [President] General Bravo, and it was confidently asserted that from this time the prosperity of the country was [assured]. The Constitution, principally copied from that of the United States, contained some extra clauses and presented in many respects a most ridiculous contrast containing, by the side of the most liberal and republican principle, a bigoted Intolerance of religion, the clergy maintaining an undue proportion of influence and wealth, and at the same time the administration of justice with all its original restrictions [fo. 207] as bequeathed to the country by the Council of the IndiesFootnote ⁶⁵⁸ with an additional share of corruption.

In 1825 Canning acknowledged Buenos Ayres, Mexico and Columbia; ministers [were] sent out and treaties made […] [T]he famous speech made in the House of Commons, in which it will be recollected Canning pompously talked of calling the New World into existence,Footnote ⁶⁵⁹ raised the hopes of English speculators and induced many seduced by this flattering idea to enter into mining companies which unfortunately proved in most instances to be ruinous concerns, the reason for which I will explain directly.

In the same year, San Juan de Ulloa surrendered to the Mexicans. EstevaFootnote ⁶⁶⁰ was named minister of Finance, and succeeded in putting a favourable, but false, appearance upon the state of the revenue into which error Mr. Ward in his work appears to have completely fallen.Footnote ⁶⁶¹ Ruinous loans were contracted, the richest branches of the revenue were allowed to cease altogether or for the sake of ready money were farmed much below their value to individuals who in a short time enriched themselves at the expense of the nation. Agents were despatched to the United States and to England to purchase ships and military stores as well as to form different contracts, all of which were conducted with bad faith; the general corruption extended to the Custom houses from which, owing to a free commerce that encouraged vessels from all nations to flock to Mexico, a surplus revenue ought to have been derived.

[fo. 208] A temporary quiet succeeded to the nomination of Victoria which however was soon disturbed by the opposing party, which had again made the Scotch lodge the rallying point of the disaffected. The Federalistas had also instituted a masonic lodge which was called the YorkFootnote ⁶⁶² and gave the name of Yorkinos to its members; during the two first years of the Federal Constitution there was no appeal to arms, but the party spirit was evidently becoming so violent that a civil war was foreseen.

In 1827 a supposed conspiracy, of which many deny the existence & of which a Friar of the name of ArenasFootnote ⁶⁶³ was said to be the head, and which had for its object the delivery of the country to the Spaniards, was seized on by the York party to ruin their enemies, the Centralistas or Escoseses. Victoria, neutral himself and devoid of energy, allowed his Government to enter into the spirit of party and to join the Federals. Many Generals of the opposition were arrested and Pedraza,Footnote ⁶⁶⁴ Minister of war, became the principal director of these acts. Bravo, one of the most distinguished Generals and Vice President of the republic, was himself a member of the Scotch lodge, and fearing these persecutors secretly fled from Mexico and put himself at the head of an armed party. Santa Ana, having promised to join him, but finding that his troops were not sufficient to resist those of the Gov't sent under the command of Guerrero, joined this latter and served against Bravo at a place called Talanciago [fo. 209] where that general was defeated and taken prisoner. Pedraza and the Federals now raised the cry of ‘Banishment to the Spaniards’, which flew like wildfire through the Provinces, and was taken up with all the old animosity of the war by the Creole population, most of the better classes also supporting it either from fear, ignorance or worse motives, namely robbery, by wishing to secure the property of the Europeans; and upon the Congress passing this unjust decree, which banished from Mexico the richest and most respectable part of the population, I have been told that so great was the wish of the Mexicans to secure their property that in many instances sons informed on their own fathers who endeavoured to evade the decree. The greater number of Spaniards left the country carrying with them what property they could save; others managed to evade the law, and sooner than leave a country in which they had formed all their ties chose to hazard the consequences.

In 1828, upon the election of the new President, the candidates being Pedraza and Guerrero[,] both Federals, the contest was decided by force of arms[.] Santa Ana declared for the latter with 3,000 men in spite of the majority of votes being in favour of Pedraza, [and] in October the revolution, as it is called, of the AcordadaFootnote ⁶⁶⁵ (Law Tribunal – from the building of that name in which the Guerreristas fortified themselves) took place in the Capital and the city of Mexico was the scene of bloodshed and robbery for a week. [fo. 210] The lower classes sacking the houses of the Centralistas, it was at last ended by Pedraza leaving the country and General Guerrero being named to succeed Victoria, who as President had been witness to all these disorders, taking no part in the struggle but without power to control them.

April 1829. Victoria's time having expired[,] Guerrero entered upon the Presidency. General Bustamante, [the] Iturbidista and Centralista, [was] named as Vice President, & a ridiculous attempt at an invasion by the Spaniards from the Havannah tended for a short time to unite the two parties against the common enemy. The cry of expulsion to the Gachupines was renewed, [and] men who had escaped the first decree were now either assassinated or obliged to fly the country. In July the Spanish General BarradasFootnote ⁶⁶⁶ landed near Tampico with 3,500 men. The Mexicans advanced with superior numbers under the Generals Santa Ana and Teran.Footnote ⁶⁶⁷ Barradas, defeated in a skirmish and finding there was no party in his favour[,] […] capitulated upon condition of being allowed to return to the Havannah with all his troops. In the meantime the finances were daily becoming more and more diminished, and it was soon seen that Guerrero was incapable of enforcing laws and a Constitution that had ceased to exist except in name. Don Anastasia Bustamante, stationed at the head of an army of reserve between Mexico [City] and Vera Cruz, took advantage of his situation, and, joined by the ever changing Santa Ana, [fo. 211] published a proclamation in the usual Bombastic style of all these South Americans in which he announced the army of the Protector of the Constitution, inviting all the discontented to join him against Guerrero. The whole country was now up in arms. Bustamante entered the Capital on the 31^st of December 1829 and seized upon the Government declaring for the Centralistas. Guerrero had fled a few days before and was joined by the population of the Southern Provinces, and the mountains of Acapulco became the stronghold of his party; in the other Provinces the two parties also had recourse to arms. Confusion was at its height and robberies and assassinations were committed in open day. Hitherto scarcely any person had been put to death for his Political opinions, but now Bustamante and his advisors commenced a series of Courts Martial and some of the most noted of the Federals were put to death or banished, with or without trial.

In the month of December 1830, when the contest was still far from being decided[,] a Sardinian brig came into the harbour of Acapulco, commanded by an Italian named Picaluga[.Footnote ⁶⁶⁸ T]o this man on a former occasion Guerrero had rendered great service [fo. 212] and, trusting to his expressions of gratitude, confided to him a proposition with which he set off for the capital to communicate with Bustamante and his party. On his return he invited Guerrero to dine on board his brig under the pretext of having good news to relate to him privately. The General, little supposing that such villainy was possible, came on board without the least suspicion, and it was not until he found the brig running out of the harbour that he suspected the snare into which he had fallen. Picaluga, having anchored in the small port of Santa Cruz de Huatalco, delivered up his victim to a person sent by Bustamante and received the sum of 50,000 dollars as the price of this unfortunate chief, who was shot within half an hour after his landing. Guerrero shot in January 1831, the Federal party was overcome and Bustamante, elected as President to complete the time yet to expire of his murdered rival, substituted a Central Government.Footnote ⁶⁶⁹ It is a great consolation to know that in 1836 Picaluga was condemned to death by his own Government for his villainous conduct, and although he escaped the infliction of the sentence, being out of the country at the time, yet all his property was confiscated and transferred to the benefit of the family of Guerrero, and he himself outlawed. Mr Barron gave me a copy of the sentence, which is very curious and does honour to the Sardinian Government.

[fo. 213] Under the Central Government, the form alone is changed; the corruption and venality is frightfully increased, the riches of the country become the private property of the friends of the successful party, & partial revolutions are of constant occurrence; but the Centralistas succeed in maintaining their position and nothing can more clearly show the want of principle and morality than the nation allowing the murderers of Guerrero to do so. Bustamante in 1833 transfers the Presidency to Santa Ana and is again elected Vice President. Texas, in the meantime, has been colonised from the United States and, upon some dispute breaking out between the Government and the Colonists, a Mexican army was prepared to march into that province in 1835, under the command of General Filisola.Footnote ⁶⁷⁰ But Santa Ana, afraid from former experience to trust the command to another, took the field himself as President. The details of that campaign were in all the newspapers. The result was the defeat of a small division of the Mexican army and the Capture of Santa Ana by the Texan, General Houston,Footnote ⁶⁷¹ upon which Filisola, then in command, retired, leaving the President in the hands of the Yankees, although his force was still more than double that of the enemy. Great disputes broke out among the Generals owing to this proceeding, to which Urrea […] was the chief opponent. Bustamante, a second time, succeed[ed] to the Presidency, which he still retains. Texas, last year, was acknowledged as independent by the Congress of the United States, [fo. 214] and although Mexico still maintains her intention of driving out the Colonists, it is ridiculous to suppose that it will ever be done.Footnote ⁶⁷²

During these events the debt of the country has gone on increasing and the corruption of all classes is open and without shame; indeed, one might say, without fear of being much out, that, from the President downwards, there is not one honest public servant in the whole country; should such a one be discovered, he would only be laughed at as a fool by his countrymen. The roads are infested with robbers, and the administration of justice a dead letter. The Government in the distant provinces has no authority and, as I have already mentioned, Urrea, in the beginning of this year, raised the cry for the Federacion […]

[fo. 215] In this state of civil war, foreign blockade, and a bankrupt treasury, it is hard to say what will become of this nation; odd as it may appear, it may turn out for the benefit of the people, and in my opinion nothing but a great national and common calamity can possibly open the eyes of the infatuated inhabitants and may possibly be the means of bringing forward some man of genius, as yet uncompromised to either of the two opposing parties, who may be capable of saving his country. This unfavourable picture is but too true, and is caused by the nation having at once diverged from a state of slavery and gross superstition to complete liberty and independence, without education, and without previous knowledge of self-government; nevertheless, commerce has produced incalculable benefits from a social point of view. The lower classes are generally docile and well-disposed and, under a good and secure Government, would be capable of being brought into industrious habits, but the present vicious system infects all, from the highest to the lowest classes. [fos 216–217] Slavery has been abolished in all Spanish America,Footnote ⁶⁷³ and no attempt to evade the laws has been made in any of the new republics; indeed, in all of them [fo. 218] the negroes are fast decreasing in number, [and] I do not know how it is in the Capital, but on the Pacific coast I scarcely saw a black man. The clergy, reduced considerably since the Independence, still are in disproportion to the rest of the inhabitants, and have managed to preserve great wealth and, with it, influence over the lower classes.

Mexico, possessing every climate and capable of producing all the plants common to the tropics, has the advantage of yielding most surprising corn crops on the elevated lands; it may be said to be generally very healthy, although fevers are common to particular spots, such as Vera Cruz and other low parts of the Coast, as well as on the Pacific shore, as in the Gulf of Mexico. The great extent of tableland, at the height of 8,000 feet, surrounding the capital, is supposed to enjoy one of the finest climates in the world. Among the productions of the Country, besides the precious metals, are Cochineal, Cotton, Cocoa, vanilla, indigo and, in short, whatever the inhabitants choose to cultivate.

Throughout all Mexico maize or Indian Corn is the principal food of man and beast. The most common way in which the natives cook it is exactly as described by Clavigers,Footnote ⁶⁷⁴ as the manner in which it was seen by Cortes and the first conquerors. They make from the flour a sort of cake called ‘tortilla’, which they eat with French beans (frijoles). The women make the ‘tortillas’: they use a flat stone, upon which, with a roller, they work the flour up and then flatten it out with their hands until it resembles a pancake. [fo. 219] They cook them in an earthen dish over a wood fire. More than one half of the Mexican population lives on these tortillas and frijoles, with a supply of chile pepper. I quite got into the way of eating them; indeed, in travelling, bread is not to be procured out of the towns. The people have a proverb, in allusion to the way in which they dip the tortilla among the beans, taking up a large mouthful, each time: ‘Cada bocada cuchara nueva’. They are also very fond of fried plantains. From the maize they also make an intoxicating liquor, something between cider and beer, which is called ‘chica’ and is also common to Peru, but the Indians of Mexico indulge very much in ‘pulque’ or brandy of the ‘Maguey’ (the Aloe);Footnote ⁶⁷⁵ made from this plant I have tasted a most excellent dulce.

New mines are discovered every day, some of which contain the richest metal, but notwithstanding the number of speculators who have engaged in working them, the quantity of silver and gold that is now extracted is nothing to what it was formerly. With the exception of one company, the English who have engaged in these speculations have all been ruined. This company owns the mines called the Botanos and ‘real del Monte’,Footnote ⁶⁷⁶ which are directed by an Italian of the name of Florin [fo. 220] who has completely retrieved the affairs of the company, and has now nearly cleared all expenses and may look shortly to make great profits; in most cases the Mexicans were anxious to engage English men to retrieve the mines abandoned during the war. The companies in London, perfectly unacquainted with the nature of the country, sent out half-pay officers as directors with the most expensive establishments, and machinery of great value, never considering the impossibility, in most cases, of transporting it for two or three hundred leagues on the backs of mules through a most difficult country. I have seen quantities of this machinery lying abandoned at Guaymas and Mazatlan, and, in one or two places in the interior, I passed separate pieces that had been left where, apparently, the means of transporting them had failed. Few of the natives use English machinery but prefer the rude process of their ancestors.

[fo. 221] In the produce of the mines […] before the revolution […] there were occasions in which particular mines yielded wonderful returns, for instance, the ‘Sembrerete’, when in ‘Bonanza’, as the miners call it, that is to say, during a run of luck […] yielded the immense sum of 11 millions in eight months. During the revolution many of the best of these mines were abandoned, and still more upon the expulsion of the Spaniards after the Independence. A good government once secured, and protection afforded to the miners, I have no doubt that, from the advantage of open commerce and means of procuring machinery and clever Engineers, that the quantity of silver which would then be derived from Mexico would very much exceed what it did in the most flourishing of former times. [fo. 222]

[fo. 223] At sea, June 16 1838

We are now within a day or two's sail of Valparaiso […] The time has passed very quick to me, thanks to having got into the habit of regular occupations, which take up all my mornings, and the evenings are made very agreeable from having so amusing a companion as Streleski […]

Homeward bound, July 5, 1838.

There is something very pleasant in knowing that one is steering for England; from any more doubt of contrary orders we may consider ourselves now safe, and it must be something very extraordinary indeed to detain us, considering our cargo. We sailed from Valparaiso on the 1^st and are now a little farther off Rio than when we started, having had no wind and a current against us […] [fo. 224] I can't tell you how I miss Streleski who left me at Valparaiso. My cabin looks so deserted and feels so lonely & silent for the want of his cheerful voice […]

June 21^st.

We anchored in Valparaiso […] It is no affair of mine and probably I may never see the pacific again, but when one observes the Conduct of French, Yankees and Russians, and the concert with which their Naval Commanders & Diplomatic agents work, [fo. 225] in comparison with ours, it makes me feel for my cloth. I really believe that the Admiralty hardly know where Lima or Valparaiso are, and if they do, they never consider how great the English interests are in the Pacific, but it is not to be wondered at, when it is too clear that, with one or two exceptions, such as keeping Lord John HayFootnote ⁶⁷⁷ on the Coast of Spain, they never the least take into consideration whether the country will be better or worse served by the appointment of the Officer named to a command; the pocket of the individual, or a paltry economy, being the only rule by which they are guided. I could tell you such instances of this, but I won't, as it would not interest you and it makes me angry. One must come to these countries to see how England throws away her superiority.

Colonel Walpole, the Consul in Chile, and Admiral RossFootnote ⁶⁷⁸ have already, without ever having seen each other, managed to quarrel on a point of etiquette. This is only the beginning, [and] it is perfectly impossible that it can be otherwise, and [the] Yankees and French take every advantage of our blunders [fos 226–227] […] Walpole whom I rather like, in spite of his supercilious manner, came down from Santiago, and we had a number of different dinners, at which the discussions were loud and warm enough, and amused me, dropping among them after a nine months absence […] [fos 228–230] I am not a little proud at being able to say that I am leaving South America without having quarrelled with a single Diplomat, Consul or Minister, which is more than most can do. [fos 231–242]

[fo. 243] July 10^th 1838

Having thus passed upwards of a year's service in the Cleopatra in the Pacific, I have had an opportunity of visiting the principal ports of Chile, Peru, Ecuador, Central America and Mexico and of forming, in most of them, an acquaintance with the leading people. This was more especially the case in Peru, enjoying over three months a near daily intercourse with Santa Cruz, Protector of Peru & Bolivia. During this time Lima was the Central point of Politics, relating to most of the republics watered by the Pacific, as well as Buenos Ayres, giving me an insight into the real state of these countries and naturally leading me to reflect on the Policy of England in so distant a part of the world.

In each of these republics, England had an accredited Diplomatic Agent, corresponding directly with the Foreign Office. In those which belonged more particularly to the Pacific Ocean, this Agent was a Consul General, under the Control of no superior Diplomatic Authority. The naval force consisted of six or seven sail under the command lately of an Independent Flag Officer.

The duties of this squadron were to assist the several Consuls in their support of British Commerce, and generally employed in visiting the different ports of Peru and Chile for this object; at the same time receiving the remittances of specie, with which one of them is understood to sail for England regularly every four months. A vessel [fo. 244] also paid an annual visit to the Sandwich and other Islands in the Pacific and another, sailing from Valparaiso in October, proceeded Northward, as was the case with the Cleopatra.

Referring to the History of the Spanish American Republics since the emancipation from Spain, the first point to be taken into consideration was the little dependence to be placed upon the stability of any Government, shown by experience to have been hitherto continually changing.

To this constant mutability, they were all equally subject and, although a temporary and comparative tranquillity may reign for the space of three or four years, I may say, without fear of contradiction, that so unusual an occurrence had hitherto been the effect of accident, not of circumstances calculated to confer any lasting security. In addition to the instability of this rare state of calm, what have the Government of Gamarra in Peru, Portales in Chile or of Rocafuerte in Ecuador done towards bestowing security of a continuance of the commercial prosperity which these countries have been said to enjoy during these intervals? I have chosen as an example the Governments of these three men as being those which are generally mentioned as having been most propitious to their respective countries. Gamarra was in league with a foreign power to invade his native country, Portales dead by the hands of Assassins, and Rocafuerte holding his power trembling under the whim of an ambitious soldier, having, within a few months, been obliged to have recourse to this rival, to put down the revolution of a third party. [fo. 245] In Central America it would puzzle the warmest admirer of General Morazan, the Supreme President, to find any period in which that distracted country had enjoyed either security or repose. Of Mexico, which, comparatively speaking, has only a secondary interest in the Pacific, the troubles are well known, and to these I may add: Buenos Ayres, Nueva Granada, and Venezuela. In short, it is but too evident that not one of the Spanish American Republics has as yet achieved a form of Government capable of promoting the advancement of civilisation and Commerce which, it is to be hoped, they may one day arrive at.

In order to understand fully this condition of the South American states, it is necessary to refer back to the date at which one may consider the Spanish sway to be entirely at an end, namely the battle of AyacuchoFootnote ⁶⁷⁹ in Peru which finished the war of Independence […] Taking into consideration all the circumstances under which the emancipation dawned upon the people, we ought not to be surprised that revolutions, and the attendant civil wars, have harassed the country since that epoch, and indeed I very much fear they will yet have to undergo many purifications before a secure mode of Government can be adopted […]

[fo. 246] While minor interests were absorbed in the great object of expelling the Spaniards, Bolivar the successful soldier was followed and obeyed with enthusiasm. In the first moments of independence, during a sort of intoxication of liberty, his plans were every where adopted in Peru, Bolivia and Columbia. Constitutions were formed upon liberal and extensive models, sounding well in theory but which were soon found, in practice, to be ill suited to a heterogeneous people.

Hence all the separations of states and counter revolutions which have since succeeded, the formation of parties, and mutual recriminations of having infringed Constitutions, which never existed except in name. Bolivar himself was one of the first to do so, convinced, when too late, that a strong hand was alone able to preserve the liberated colonies from anarchy, having in his visionary schemes forgotten the total dissimilarity between the population of Spanish America and the United States, the latter fitted for Independence by a long course of improvement under a liberal and national Government, with all the advantages of Commerce, Education and high principles of morality.

The former, on the contrary, from a degraded state of ignorance, superstition and most abject slavery, rose in rebellion against the mother country and at once, from this submission to the Colonial rule, they found themselves free, but completely ignorant of the act of governing, and became a prey to the different plans of contending legislators.

Nevertheless, it cannot be denied that, in spite of the evils thus resulting from the ambition of individuals, to which the ignorance of the mass had supplied materials of action, [fo. 247] the people derived immense benefits under the civilising influence of Commerce, which more than counterbalanced the evils of disorder. That Commerce now furnished the necessaries and luxuries of life, which were formerly only enjoyed by the upper classes. The value of importations into Chile and Peru by way of Cape Horn is supposed to amount to nearly eight million dollars, by legal and illegal channels, equal to what it was in the time of the Spaniards, when the Mother country had a monopoly of all trade. Today, according to best accounts, the value of articles most in demand have fallen by more than half since the introduction of free competition. Eight millions now introduce what would then have required sixteen to bring into the country, so that without the least increase of industry or sacrifice the whole population feel the benefit of advantages which were before beyond their reach.

In Europe the South Americans are condemned as useless and undeserving of good Government. From my own observations I should say they have never enjoyed it […] In those parts I have visited, I have found the people possessed of many excellent qualities and, as a general rule, have found their vices always prominent & much exaggerated, while their virtues are rarely observed by people who, judging by European standards, come to too hasty a conclusion, condemning a whole population from some glaring cases of immorality which, although very disgusting, [fo. 248] ought to find some excuse in the ignorance of the people.

I repeat that beyond the freedom of Commerce, nothing has hitherto been done by the successive Governments towards developing the great resources of these countries. Occupied in disputes with Congress, maintaining for themselves an uncertain and precarious power has been the uniform conduct of the several Presidents. When one sees the total want of roads, Police and even the most necessary arrangements, one is astounded by the contrast presented by achievements in private society, where very rapid strides of improvement are evidenced since the emancipation. The greatest contradiction, and not the least to the improvement of these infant republics, is that at a time when the most liberal institutions were being created to constitute the Political form of the State, the Administration of Justice and the Laws that regulate it were left untouched. This judiciary code, with all the vices of Colonial legislation, forms a ridiculous contrast by the side of the new republican constitutions. This legacy bequeathed by the Council of the Indies, has remained in full force in all the liberated colonies, and not one of the ephemeral Governments has dared to approach it. It appears that, together with the ‘intolerancia’ of religion, it was protected by the ignorance and superstition still inherent in the people.

To the system of the grossest venality, scarcely one of the Public Functionaries is excepted, price being the only standard. The Supreme Government, the Tribunals of first & second appeal, as well as the Provincial authorities, are all under the influence of this scandalous corruption, and which, from what I can see, I don't think a bit more likely to be reformed by the XFootnote ⁶⁸⁰ than by his predecessors […] [fo. 249] Th[e] prevarication and venality of the Tribunals, together with a total absence of any written Civil or Commercial Code (for it is too early to consider the new Treaties, which are not yet in force) renders the state of affairs ruinous to the Interests of Great Britain involved in the Commerce and debt.

The Commercial community of Englishmen, in all the states that I have visited, is much respected; the high estimation in which they are generally held, they have acquired from their upright and honourable dealings [fo. 250] with the natives in all their private and mercantile transactions. In a social point of view intermarriages have conduced much to strengthen this influence, and as the Commerce of England so greatly preponderates over that of every other nation, the consideration with which she is regarded is in proportion […]

[fo. 251] […] England is the creditor to a large amount to each of the republics that I have named, and our interest must consequently depend upon the conduct of her Diplomatic Agents. Almost the only branch of revenue is derived from the Customs; in Chile and Peru the large sums paid in duties would, if honestly applied, be sufficient for the exigencies of the State and also, to pay a considerable dividend but, as each succeeding Gov't has hitherto applied these funds for their own political purposes, it is useless to suppose that now, after fifteen years of Independence, there is any more hope of a contrary system […] The long and short of it is, that the present generation is not fit for a republican government and too intoxicated with the name of liberty to admit any other at present. Time and misfortunes will, I have little doubt, eventually change their ideas and the rising generation, improving in civilisation and general education, will gradually adopt the form of government best suited to their respective wants.

[fo. 252] Thus, being shown there are no reasonable grounds for expecting any immediate change in this uncertain state, it is clear how difficult [it is] for the English Government to form any just idea of the real state of these countries from the conflicting statements of the consuls. These Consuls General, corresponding directly with the Foreign Office, are naturally biased in favour of the republic to which they are accredited. They also have their own interests at stake, such as making a Treaty, or persuading the Foreign Office of the influence they possess, thus they take an active part in favour of one or other of the contending parties, in foreign war as in Civil strife. Thus, so long as no positive injustice is done to our Commerce, they are content to grant to the application of the Government all the privileges of the most civilised nations, acknowledging their blockades and paying attention to their demands for embargoes &c., all of which are vexatious and annoying to our merchants and would no doubt often be complained of, were not they […] becoming, from a long residence in the country, partisans, or inclined to suffer many inconveniences from the advantages it gives them in smuggling specie out of the country. In addition the Consul, [has] the power to give the English flag to vessels built in the country, when sworn to as the property of a British subject, [fo. 253] when it is notorious that owners and crews are both natives, who have bribed Englishmen to swear to the ownership, a power which is very likely to subject the flag to indignities.Footnote ⁶⁸¹

It seems as if the present moment rules, instead of acting upon a more general plan, which the great sameness of South American affairs renders not only possible but easy. It is curious to observe how fiercely each Consul is convinced that, without their own particular favourite President or Minister able to maintain himself with Dictatorial power, there can be no quiet for America. Comparing their different reports, I am sure that one would find a great sameness of argument as to the means, but a mighty difference of opinion as to the person through whom all the improvements are to emanate […] Naturally it results in the minister at home experiencing difficulty in unravelling the truth. How much worse in the case of countries so distant as to require 8 months for a despatch to complete its journey? When time is of such consequence and Government liable to change, does it not follow that, upon the receipt of the account of some political event affecting our Commercial interests, not only the circumstances under which the despatch [was] written [will] no longer [be] the same, but the writer acting for quite an opposing party?

[fo. 254] Another great difficulty of the present system is the continual disputes to which the Naval Commander in chief finds himself exposed in acting upon the representations of these men. Were he to grant his cooperation upon the demand of one, he would inevitably be accused by another of acting contrary to the Interests of England. Until this year, to add to the inconvenience, the Naval force was under the command of a Commodore of the Second Class, dependent upon the Adm'l at Rio [de] Janeiro for his Instructions. Fortunately that ridiculous arrangement has been altered and Admiral Ross is now Commander in Chief. Nevertheless, this is far from being sufficient to obviate the evils of the system, even supposing all the different authorities, who have to act together, were men chosen for their fitness for their situation, which is seldom the case.

According to my ideas and upon the principle that there is no likelihood of these Governments being less insecure for the future than hitherto, I should recommend the following line of Policy: in short, to treat the republics in the same way as we do the Barbary states. With the enormous debt due to us on every principle of justice, we should be authorised in preserving peace, as far as depends upon Naval Operations, resorting to a show of force, if necessary, to prevent wars similar to those now existing between Peru & Chile, which lead to the mutual impoverishment of the contending parties […] [fo. 255] The bondholders may satisfy themselves that they have little chance of receiving any regular dividends. Threatening war, or blockades, similar to those carried on by France against Mexico and Buenos Ayres, would only render the state of our merchants worse; [it would be] preferable to enter into a treaty with Ecuador, Peru and Chile of nonintervention in each other's squabbles and at least commit the peace of the sea to the guardianship of our squadron, until the payment of the debt has been ensured. Invasions of each other's territories are next to impossible by land. These maritime measures would confer the greatest of benefits upon the countries themselves.

The Consuls should be instructed not to meddle in Politics, but to confine themselves to mercantile interests. Diplomatic Communications should all be referred to the Commander in Chief who would be invested with sufficient powers to act on his own authority, in order to attend properly to our Interests in the Pacific. It is absolutely necessary this power be vested in one person, and certainly no situation could be so fitted other than of Admiral rank, making Callao his headquarters, receiving regular reports from all the Consuls, and communicating with England by the way of Panama. It has always seemed to me a great mistake treating this little republic with so much respect. The French & American Commodores always settle the disputes relating to their merchant vessels in a most summary way, [fo. 256] while there are several cases of dispute about English vessels in which great injustice has been committed, and for which redress is still delayed.

Our interests in the Pacific are much greater than are generally supposed and require the attention of Government. In the first place we have no possession of our own either in the West or on the Eastern Coast of South America, except the neglected Falkland Islands. The trade in the Pacific is daily increasing not only from England direct, but also from our Australian Colonies and China. America, like ourselves, has no port actually belonging to her, but the Sandwich Islands are pretty much as if they did, as they are completely subject to her missionaries. The example of Texas is a sure proof that the adventurers from the back woods, who, even now, are gradually pushing forward towards the thinly populated parts of California and the adjoining states of Mexico, will wrest those rich countries before long from the wretched Mexicans, who now inhabit them.Footnote ⁶⁸² The possession of the Gulf of California and the splendid harbour of San Francisco, in the event of a war with the United States, would be a great advantage to that country, and especially if allied to Russia whose establishments would then join.Footnote ⁶⁸³ In such a case we should have to look out for our China trade. California, presenting all the materials for ship building, would furnish privateers, which would do us incalculable mischief.Footnote ⁶⁸⁴

[fo. 257] Many of the English merchants look with alarm to the encroachments of the Yankees, and I had an opportunity of hearing a great deal about Upper California from Mr. Forbes at Tepic, who lent me a clever account which he has written about that country and which I hope he will publish, as it contains many interesting details.Footnote ⁶⁸⁵ Mr. Forbes is of opinion that the Mexican Government, owing to their fear of America, would willingly cede part of that country to England, in lieu of a portion of the debt, containing, as it does, such immense advantages, [and] it would at the same time be invaluable to us as a check upon the Russian establishments.

This idea of granting land in payment of the loans is not new, as Lusarraga told how the Gov't of Ecuador had actually sent agents to England proposing grants to any company of settlers, owing [to] their inability to pay the dividends. This plan, if feasible, would unite many advantages to settlers, as well as to the country, by introducing an industrious population, of which all Spanish America is so much in want. But I have little hope of seeing it carried into effect and, with so little security from political convulsions, nothing short of actual secession of the land in question could ensure the success of the speculation. [fo. 258]

[fo. 259] Monday 6^th [August].

On Saturday morning we worked into Rio harbour […] [fo. 260] On the evening of my arrival I visited Lomonosoff,Footnote ⁶⁸⁶ the little Russian Chargé d'Affaires, and next morning mended our paint inside and out […] Yesterday I renewed my acquaintance with those I had known before and dined with Ousely,Footnote ⁶⁸⁷ our Chargé, to whose wife I was introduced; a nice person, considering she is a YankeeFootnote ⁶⁸⁸ and, in the evening, I went to the house of the French Minister, a very old friend of mine in Greece. Since I last met him he is married; La Baronne['s] wife is a GreekFootnote ⁶⁸⁹ and related to Prince Tontzo,Footnote ⁶⁹⁰ the Minister in London […] Among the attachés there is Comte Ney,Footnote ⁶⁹¹ a son of the Marshal,Footnote ⁶⁹² who I took a great fancy to. A good number of people came in the evening and among others an extraordinary Italian lady who calls herself Dona Ameriga Vespucci,Footnote ⁶⁹³ and has come out with letters of recommendation from Louis Philippe, to claim some compensation in right of her ancestor Amerigo of whom she swears she is a direct descendant; it would appear a wild goose [fo. 261] affair if, oddly enough, she had not lately received a considerable grant of land from the assembly […]

At sea, August 19^th 1838

I enjoyed the last few days at Rio very much, more than I had previously. My time was completely taken up. When I sailed, two prizes that had been taken with slaves by the Rover, nearly two months before, were still subject of disputes between the Commodore & Mr. Ousely on one side, and Sir George JacksonFootnote ⁶⁹⁴ and the mixed commission on the other. It is too disgraceful the way in which these affairs are promoted […]

Tuesday, August 28^th

We are now in 10°N. Yesterday we fell in with a large English bark, taking out Sir Maurice O'ConnellFootnote ⁶⁹⁵ to New South Wales […] [fo. 262] We caught up on the news of the CoronationFootnote ⁶⁹⁶ and among the promotions I was not a little pleased to see the name of Liardet, my First Luff,Footnote ⁶⁹⁷ a most excellent fellow […]

On arriving at Spithead on the 22^nd September I found the Port Admiral Sir Philip DurhamFootnote ⁶⁹⁸ in difficulties about sending a ship to St. Petersburg […] Sir Philip, not suspecting I might be willing, after a three year station & a voyage from San Blas […] in short, having been almost constantly at sea since May, was astonished when I volunteered that if the ship did not enter into harbour with the assistance I required from the Dock Yard, I would be ready to depart in 4 days. The Admiralty accepted the officer, [and] Liardet asked leave to remain, for which I was very grateful […] [fo. 263] I sailed on the day named [and] was at the Nore on the 4^th of October as arranged with the Ambassador Lord Clanricarde.Footnote ⁶⁹⁹ He was not ready until the 8^th, when we sailed with the Steamer Lightning in company, [and] our passage was a remarkable one. We anchored during 4 nights, remained the greater part of one day at Copenhagen, and reached Kronstadt in less than 8 days […]

I remained at Kronstadt from the 17^th of October until the 24^th. When I left on my return voyage, which was by no means so favourable as the passage out, ice was forming in the Gulf of Finland and the weather was bitterly cold. Alas, I lost three fine young fellows from falling overboard and owing to their heavy clothing we failed to pick them up. It was the only time we had lost any men under these circumstances during our 3 years commission.

We anchored [at] the Nore on Nov'r 12 and went into Sheerness harbour the following day. The ship was paid off on the 20^th. So came to an end a most happy commission of Three years & three months. Owing to our very quick passage out, the Regulation allowances for my passengers came only to the sum of £108. The Admiralty tried to make me submit to this injustice, my expenses consisting of furnishing and provision for a 3 weeks voyage came to £400. I allowed, in a long correspondence, that I might have treated my guests more liberally than many naval officers wiser than I would have done, but after consulting two men of such experience and reputation in the service as Sir Thomas Hardy (Nelson's Captain) and Hyde Parker,Footnote ⁷⁰⁰ I kept up the fight with their Lordships until I succeeded in getting £300, making the stingy board & especially Sir William Parker happy in having saved the Government a £100 by taking it out of the pocket of a poor Captain.

The ship paid off and her Captain an idle man, I went off to Howick, and Lambton, and afterwards to Flete in Devonshire, but as these movements [fo. 264] belong to my shore going life, here ends this book.