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‘Blood in Reasoning’: State Violence, Contested Territories and Black Criminal Agency in Urban Brazil

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 October 2015

JAIME AMPARO ALVES
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Abstract

This article examines black criminal agency in the context of drug trafficking and territorial control by the Primeiro Comando da Capital (First Capital Command, PCC), a self-identified criminal organisation in São Paulo's favelas. It argues that black youth's racialised encounters with the police shape their political praxis in the city. Since in the racial imaginary, they are constantly linked to crime and violence, and since their criminalised status justifies mass incarceration and death by the police, criminality appears as a valid category to better understand not only their fate but also their agency. Ethnographic fieldwork carried out in 2009 and 2010 in a hyper-impoverished, predominately black slum community, along with weekly visits to a local detention centre in São Paulo, informs the author's analysis of the PCC's controversial languages of resistance and the gendered and racialised outcomes that emerge from their attempts to fend off the state in such topographies of domination.

Spanish abstract

Este artículo examina la agencia de delincuentes negros en el contexto del narcotráfico y el control territorial del Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC), una organización autoidentificada como criminal en las favelas de São Paulo. Se sostiene aquí que los encuentros racializados de jóvenes negros con la policía dan forma a su práctica política en la ciudad. Desde el imaginario racial, dichos jóvenes son constantemente relacionados con el crimen y la violencia (y ya que su estatus criminalizado justifica encarcelamientos masivos y muertes por la policía) la criminalidad parece ser una categoría válida para entender mejor no sólo su suerte sino también su agencia. Un trabajo de campo etnográfico llevado a cabo en 2009 y 2010 en una barriada muy empobrecida predominantemente negra, junto con visitas semanales a un centro de detención local en São Paulo, sirvieron de base para el análisis del autor sobre los lenguajes controversiales de resistencia del PCC y de las consecuencias racializadas y de género que emergen tras sus intentos de protegerse frente al estado en tales topografías de dominación.

Portuguese abstract

Este artigo examina as estratégias de resistência negra no contexto do tráfico drogas e controle territorial pelo Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC), uma auto-identificada organização criminosa operando nas favelas de São Paulo. O artigo sustenta que os encontros racializados da juventude negra com a polícia moldam suas práticas políticas na cidade. Se no imaginário racial, jovens negros são constantemente ligados ao crime e a violência, e uma vez que o seu estatus criminalizado justifica o encarceramento em massa e a morte pela polícia, a criminalidade negra parece ser uma categoria analítica válida para compreender melhor não só o regime de dominação racial, mas também a agência negra para além dos espaços tradicionais. Trabalho de campo etnográfico realizado entre maio de 2009 e dezembro de 2010, em uma favela paulistana, juntamente com visitas semanais a um centro de detenção provisoria, informa a análise do autor sobre as estratégias de sobrevivência desenvolvidas em resposta à violência produzida pelo estado. Finalmente, o artigo analisa o regime de dominação imposto pelo PCC, notadamente a política do medo e as opressões de gênero que emergem do controle territorial em tais topografias da violência.

Keywords

racismresistanceblack criminalitypolicePCCSão Pauloracismoresistenciacriminalidad negrapolicíaPrimer Comando de la CapitalSão Pauloracismoresistênciacriminalidade negrapolíciaPrimeiro Comando da CapitalSão Paulo

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Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of Latin American Studies , Volume 48 , Issue 1 , February 2016 , pp. 61 - 87
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2015 

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References

1 See Artur Rodrigues, Marcelo Godoy and William Cardoso, ‘PM encontra lista de policiais marcados para morrer’, O Estado de S. Paulo, 31 Oct. 2012, p. 12.

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6 See Rachel Costa and Laura Daudén, ‘A polícia matadora’, ISTOÉ (São Paulo), 24 August 2012, pp. 69–71; Álvaro Magalhães, ‘Polícia militar mata mais pardos e negros’, Diario de S. Paulo, 22 April 2013, p. 3.

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13 Penglase, ‘States of Insecurity’, pp. 47–63; Cyro Augusto Couto, ‘Comunicação do medo: os ataques do PCC’, unpubl. master's thesis, UNISO, Sorocaba, 2009.

14 Cohen, Cathy, ‘Deviance as Resistance: A New Research Agenda for the Study of Black Politics’, Du Bois Review, 1: 1 (2004), pp. 27–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

15 In my own encounters in the prison, the PCC is conceived as a horizontal community, ‘a family’, based on the ideal of equality. Here I am in dialogue with Karina Biondi's critical work on the immanence/transcendency of the Partido. See Biondi, Junto e misturado: imanência e transcendência no PCC (São Carlos: UFSCar, 2009), p. 77.

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18 Dina Alves, ‘Res negras, juizes brancos: um estudo da intersecção de raça e gênero em uma prisão paulistana’, Unpubl. master's diss., PUC/SP, 2015; on black women's criminality yet in another urban setting, see Kali Gross, Coloured Amazon: Crime, Violence, and Black Women in the City of Brotherly Love, 1880–1910 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2006).

19 I avoid referring to specific locations in order to protect individuals. ‘Dreaming City’ refers to the favelas in which I carried out ethnographic research within the broad geographic context generically called Fundão da Zona Sul.

20 Camara dos Deputados, ‘Depoimento de Marcos Williams Herbas Camacho’, 8 June 2006, p. 25.

21 Perceval de Souza, O sindicato do crime: PCC e outros grupos (São Paulo: Ediouro Publicações, 2006); Marcelo Carneiro and Camila Pereira, ‘Terror em São Paulo’, Veja, 24 May 2006, p. 10; Adorno and Sallas, Criminalidade organizada, pp. 7–29.

22 I prefer the term favela to ‘periphery’, because while ‘periphery’ may suggest the space of the working/marginal class, the word ‘favela’ recuperates the racial continuum of violence that marks the making of urban Brazil. See Teresa Caldeira, City of Walls: Crime, Segregation and Citizenship in São Paulo (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2000); Lourdes Carrill, Quilombo, favela e periferia: a longa busca da cidadania (São Paulo: Annablume Editora, 2006).

23 Leu, Lourraine, ‘Traficantes de drogas e a contestação do espaço urbano da cidade do Rio de Janeiro’, E-Compos, Brasília, 11: 1 (2008), p. 4Google Scholar.

24 Ibid., p. 11.

25 Donna Goldstein, Laughing out of Place: Race, Violence and Sexuality in a Rio Shantytown (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2000), p. 180.

26 Rolnik, Raquel, ‘Territorios negros nas cidades brasileiras (ethnicidade e cidade em São Paulo e no Rio de Janeiro)’, Estudos Afro-Asiáticos, 17 (1989), pp. 29–41Google Scholar; Vargas, João C. and Alves, Jaime, ‘Geographies of Death: An Intersectional Analysis of Police Lethality and the Racialised Regimes of Citizenship in São Paulo’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 33: 4 (2009), pp. 611–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kilsztajn, Samule, do Caromo, Manuela Nunes, Sugahara, Gustavo Toshiaki Lopes and Lopes, Erika, ‘Vítimas da cor: homicídios na região metropolitana de São Paulo, Brasil, 2000’, Cad. Saúde Pública, 21: 5 (2005), pp. 1408–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

27 Ibid.; Rede Nossa São Paulo, ‘O quadro das desigualdades sociais em São Paulo. Indicadores por distritos’, available at http://www.nossasaopaulo.org.br/portal/arquivos/Quadro-da-Desigualdade-em-Sao-Paulo-2013.pdf (accessed 29 June 2014).

28 Ibid.

29 Waiselfisz, Mapa da violencia, p. 30; Álvaro Magalhães, ‘Polícia militar mata mais pardos e negros’, Diário de S. Paulo, 22 April 2013, p. 3.

30 Carlos Hasenbalg, Discriminação e desigualdades raciais no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: Graal, 1979); Francine Twine, Racism in A Racial Democracy: The Maintenance of White Supremacy in Brazil (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1998); Florestan Fernandes, Integração do negro na sociedade de classes (São Paulo: Globo Livros, 2008).

31 Fernandes, O negro no mundo dos brancos, vol. 36 (São Paulo: Difusão Européia do livro, 1972).

32 Vargas, João C., ‘Hyperconsciousness of Race and Its Negation: The Dialectic of White Supremacy in Brazil’, Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power, 11: 4 (2004) pp. 443–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Francine Twine, ‘Racism in a Racial Democracy’; Robin Sheriff, Dreaming Equality: Colour, Race, and Racism in Urban Brazil (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2001).

33 Mitchell, Michael and Wood, Charles, ‘Ironies of Citizenship: Skin Colour, Police Brutality, and the Challenge to Democracy in Brazil’, Social Forces, 77: 3 (1999), pp. 1001–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar; French, Jon, ‘Rethinking Police Violence in Brazil: Unmasking the Public Secret of Race’, Latin American Politics and Society, 55: 4 (2013), pp. 161–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Vargas, João C., ‘Taking Back the Land: Police Operations and Sport Megaevents in Rio de Janeiro’, Souls, 15: 4 (2013), pp. 275–303CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

34 On the construction of black men as a social problem, see Gordon, Edmond, ‘Cultural Politics of Black Masculinity’, Transforming Anthropology, 6: 1–2 (1997), pp. 36–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ferber, Abby L., ‘The Construction of Black Masculinity White Supremacy Now and Then’, Journal of Sport & Social Issues, 31: 1 (2007), pp. 11–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

35 See João Barros, ‘A construção do PCC’, Caros Amigos, Edição Especial, São Paulo, 28 May 2006; Josmar Josino, Cobras e Largatos (Rio de Janeiro: Objetiva, 2004).

36 Dias, Camila, ‘Da guerra à gestão: trajetória do Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC) nas prisões de São Paulo’, Revista Percurso, Curitiba, 10: 2 (2009), pp. 79–96Google Scholar; Manso, Bruno and Godoy, Marcelo, ‘20 anos de PCC: efeito colateral da política de segurança pública’, Revista Interesse Nacional, 24: 6 (2014), pp. 1–12Google Scholar.

37 See Afonso Benites, ‘Trafico de drogas é motivo de 24% das prisões do país’, Folha de S. Paulo, 12 May 2012, p. C1.

38 Manso and Godoy, 20 anos de PCC, pp. 1–12; Dias, ‘Da guerra à gestão’, pp. 79–96; Adorno and Salla, Criminalidade organizada, pp. 7–29.

39 Marcelo Neri, ‘O estado da juventude: drogas, prisão e acidentes’ (São Paulo: Fundação Getúlio Vargas, 2013).

40 I combine the Brazilian Institute for Geography and Statistics’ official racial categories of pardos (29.1%) and pretos (5.5%) as blacks, a move that is supported by the sociological record of social proximity and shared vulnerabilities. For a defence of this move see Hasenbalg, Carlos, Maio, Carlos and Santos, Ricardo. ‘Entre o mito e os fatos: racismo e relações raciais no Brasil’, Raça, ciência e sociedade (1996), pp. 235–49Google Scholar.

41 See Departamento Penitenciário Nacional. Censo Penitenciário 2010. Ministério da Justiça, available at http://www.mj.gov.br/depen.

42 Deco, favela resident, 20 Sept. 2010.

43 Prisoner at the men's detention centre, 2 Sept. 2010.

44 de Souza, ‘O sindicato do crime’, p.10.

45 João Reis, ‘Rebelião escrava no Brasil: a história do levante dos malês em 1835’, São Paulo, Companhia das Letras (2003); Silva, Elizete, ‘Combates pela história nas terras de Lucas da Feira’, Humanas, 1 (2002), pp. 227–44Google Scholar; Holloway, Tom, ‘“A Healthy Terror”: Police Repression of Capoeiras in Nineteenth-Century Rio de Janeiro’, Hispanic American Historical Review, 69: 4 (1989), pp. 637–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

46 Cyro Moura, O negro, de bom escravo a péssimo cidadão (Rio de Janeiro: Editora Conquista, 1977), p. 24.

47 Ibid., p. 28.

48 Scholars have long demystified such associations. See Roger Bastide, ‘A criminalidade negra no Estado de S. Paulo’,  in Abdia Nascimento, O negro revoltado (Rio de Janeiro: Editora Nova fronteira, 1982), pp. 247–69; Adorno, ‘Discriminação racial e justiça criminal em São Paulo’, Novos Estudos CEBRAP, 43 (1995), pp. 45–63Google Scholar.

49 Misse, Michel, ‘Sujeito, crime e sujeição criminal’, Lua Nova, São Paulo, 7: 9 (2010), pp. 15–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Zaluar, Para não dizer que não falei de samba, pp. 245–318; Janice Perlman, The Myth of Marginality: Urban Poverty and Politics in Rio de Janeiro (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1979); Caldeira, City of Walls.

50 In Brazilian political thought, race has been an important tool mobilised by the state to define criminality. A case in point is the work of Nina Rodrigues, who traced a ‘pathologic anthropology’ of black criminal mentality, to argue that the Brazilian penal code should establish different penalties for the black population because blacks were incapable of distinguishing wrong from right. He advocated the constant psychiatric evaluation of black people because he believed that their predisposition to criminality and non-civilised behaviour would endanger the nation. See Nina Rodrigues, Os africanos no Brasil, 8ª edição (Brasília: Universidade de Brasília, 2004), pp. 305–8.

51 William E. B. DuBois, ‘The Souls of Black Folk’ (Chicago: A. C. McClurg, 1903), p. 2.

52 Gustavo, 5 May 2010.

53 Deco, 20 Sept. 2010.

54 Sexton, Jared, ‘The Social Life of Social Death: On Afro-pessimism and Black Optimism’, InTensions, 5 (2011), pp. 1–47Google Scholar.

55 James C. Scott, Hidden Transcripts: Domination and the Arts of Resistance (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990); Robin Kelly, ‘Race Rebels’: Culture, Politics, and the Black Working Class (New York: The Free Press, 1994).

56 Kelly, Race Rebels, p. 5.

57 Cohen, Deviance as Resistance, p. 43.      .

58 I thank Charlie Hale and João Vargas for their insightful comments on the questions of hegemony and resistance.

59 Frank Wilderson, The Prison Slave as Hegemony's (Silent) Scandal (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2007), p. 32; Saidiya Hartman, Scenes of Subjection: Terror, Slavery, and Self-making in Nineteenth Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997).

60 Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (New York: Grove Press, 1963), p. 39.

61 The emerging field of studies on black genocide and black radical activism in Brazil provides a compelling critique (and/or complements) such an approach by asserting black political life despite the pervasive regime of racial domination. See for example, Adam Bledsoe, ‘The Negation and Reassertion of Black Geographies in Brazil’, ACME: An International E-Journal for Critical Geographies, forthcoming; Vargas, João C., ‘Gendered Antiblackness and the Impossible Brazilian Project: Emerging Critical Black Brazilian Studies’, Cultural Dynamics, 24: 1 (2012), pp. 3–11CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Perry, Keisha-Khan, ‘The Roots of Black Resistance: Race, Gender and the Struggle for Urban Land Rights in Salvador, Bahia, Brazil’, Social Identities, 10: 6 (2004), pp. 811–31Google Scholar.

62 Eliseu, prisoner at male detention centre, 14 June 2010.

63 Hartman, Scenes of Subjection, p. 24.

64 For a discussion of black criminal(ised) status and black resistance, see James and Vargas, Refusing Blackness as Victimization, pp. 193–204; Kali Gross, ‘Coloured Amazon’ (2006).

65 Hartman, Scenes of Subjection, p. 61. Ana Flauzina, ‘Corpo negro caído no chão: o sistema penal e o projeto genocida do estado brasileiro’, unpublished MA dissertation, University of Brasília, 2008.

66 I borrow the term from Charlie Hale, see ‘Neoliberal Multiculturalism and the Paradox of Radical Refusal’, The Caribbean Epistemologies Seminar/CUNY, 2011.

67 Condepe, Os Crimes de Maio. Imprensa Oficial do Estado de São Paulo, 2006; Época, ‘Terror em São Paulo’, Edição Especial, N. 418 (2006), pp. 24–55; Fausto Salvadori, Crimes de Maio, Crimes de Sempre. Adusp, São Paulo, Outubro (2006), pp. 65–9.

68 Gerson Manzinni, ‘Furukawa admite reunião com Marcola’, Folha de S. Paulo, 16 May 2006, p. C2.

69 For example, ‘São Paulo sob ataque’, Folha de S. Paulo, 15 May 2006; ‘Terror em São Paulo’, Revista Veja, 24 May 2006, p. 10.

70 Mónica Bergamo, ‘Burguesia tem que abrir a bolsa, diz Lembo’, Folha de S. Paulo, 12 May 2006, p. C1.

71 These comments were repeated throughout my visits and are part of the prison lexicon. They may be understood not in relation to the PCC's practices but as prisoners’ broad discourses against the state.

72 Eduardo, drug dealer, 20 May 2010.

73 Eduardo, 10 Aug. 2010.

74 Eliseu, 6 Oct. 2010.

75 Eliseu, 17 Nov. 2010.

76 João C. Vargas, ‘Hyperconsciousness of Race and Its Negation’, pp. 443–70.

77 Eliseu, 12 Sept. 2010.

78 David Marriot, On Black Men (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006), p. 15.

79 Silva, Denise, ‘No-bodies: Law, Raciality, and the Territory of Justice’, Griffith Law Review, 18: 2 (2009), p. 231Google Scholar.

80 For a critical distinction between ‘enemies’ and ‘criminals’ see Kahn, Paul, ‘Criminal and Enemy in the Political Imagination’, The Yale Review, 99 (2011), pp. 148–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Alejandro Madrazo, ¿Criminales y enemigos? El narcotraficante mexicano en el discurso oficial y en el narcocorrido (Buenos Aires: Libraria Ediciones, 2013).

81 Igor Carvalho, ‘Como agem os grupos de extermínio em São Paulo’, Revista Forum, 22 June 2013, p. 3; Alves, Jaime, ‘From Necropolis to Blackpolis: Necropolitical Governance and Black Spatial Praxis in São Paulo’, Antipode, 46 (2013), pp. 323–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

82 See also, Ana Paula Galdeano Cuz, ‘Para falar em nome da segurança: o que pensam, querem e fazem os representantes dos Conselhos Comunitários de Segurança’, unpubl. diss., 2009, Unicamp, São Paulo.

83 Attended meeting of local security council, 3 August 2009.

84 Fernando, favela resident, 10 Nov. 2009.

85 Penglase, States of Insecurity, pp. 47–63; Zaluar, Para não dizer que não falei de samba, pp. 245–318; Ad Marques, ‘“Liderança”, “proceder” e “igualdade’’’, pp. 311–35.

86 See Estatisticas Criminais, Secretaria da Segurança Pública de São Paulo, available at www.ssp.sp.gov.br/estatistica/.

87 Fernando, 3 March 2010.

88 Holston, James and Caldeira, Teresa, ‘Democracy and Violence in Brazil’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 41: 4 (1999), pp. 691–729Google Scholar; Pinheiro, Sergio, ‘Violência, crime e sistemas policiais em países de novas democracias’, Tempo Social, 9: 1 (1997), pp. 43–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

89 Goldstein, Laughter out of Place.

90 See Ad Marques, ‘“Liderança”, “Proceder” e “igualdade’’’, pp. 311–35; Biondi, Junto e misturado (2009); Feltran, ‘Crime e castigo nas periferias da cidade’, pp. 59–70.

91 Dona Maria, favela resident, 10 July 2010.

92 Ibid.

93 Folha de S. Paulo, ‘Cabral apoia aborto e diz que mãe de favela é fabrica de marginal’, Cotidiano, 25 Oct. 2007, p. 5. For an analysis of the racial/gendered mythologies around black women in Brazil see Rocha, Luciane, ‘Black Mothers’ Experiences of Violence in Rio de Janeiro’, Cultural Dynamics, 24: 1 (2012), pp. 59–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dina Alves, ‘Rés negras, juizes brancos’, unpubl. master's diss., PUC, São Paulo, 2015.

94 José, president of the residents’ association, 20 Oct. 2010.

95 For the ethics around which the PCC organises social life see Marques, ‘“Liderança”, “proceder” e “igualdade”’, p. 315.

96 José, interview, 20 Oct. 2010.

97 Claudia, black activist, 13 Aug. 2010.