¹ Although officially licensed as the Medical Department of Western Reserve College, the department was widely known and recognized as the Cleveland Medical College.

² “Commencement of Western Reserve College, Prof. Sheppard’s Address,” Plain Dealer, March 3, 1852, 2.

³ Elizabeth Blackwell was the older sister of Emily Blackwell – one of the graduates of the Cleveland Medical College.

⁴ Right after Blackwell graduated, in 1849, Dean James Hadley of the Geneva Medical College turned down Sarah R. Adamson, a second applicant, telling her that “Miss Blackwell’s admission was an experiment, not intended as a precedent.” Thomas Neville Bonner, To the Ends of the Earth: Women’s Search for Education in Medicine (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), 6. Until Blackwell’s enrollment, no regular medical training institution in the United States had included a woman. Thomas Neville Bonner, Becoming a Physician: Medical Education in Britain, France, Germany, and the United States, 1750-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996).

⁵ Bonner, To the Ends of the Earth; Regina Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science: Women Physicians in American Medicine (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985). While data on medical school applicants and admissions during this time is sparse, information on numbers of medical students and graduates for the period 1849-1850 is available from William G. Rothstein, American Medical Schools and the Practice of Medicine: A History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987). According to Rothstein, degree-granting medical schools rose from 4 in 1800 to 47 in 1860, while the number of graduates increased from 343 in 1800-1809 to 17,213 in 1850-1859 (p. 48). For women medical graduates, see Frederick Clayton Waite, “Dr. Nancy E. (Talbot) Clark. The Second Woman Graduate in Medicine to Practice in Boston,” New England Journal of Medicine 205, no. 25 (Dec. 1931), 1195-98. According to Waite, a total of twenty women graduated with a medical degree in the period 1849-1852, all of them graduating from four non-regular institutions. Three of them were sectarian schools: the Syracuse Medical College, the Central Medical College (also in Syracuse), and the Worcester Medical College of Homeopathic Medicine in Massachusetts. The fourth, the Female Medical College of Philadelphia, was in its first years, and the teaching of some of its professors was considered “to be tainted with eclecticism” (p. 1195).

⁶ The Cleveland Medical College’s coeducational period in the 1850s does not figure in seminal historical overviews of nineteenth-century women’s higher education including Thomas Woody’s 1929 distinctive, and almost encyclopedic, two-volume A History of Women’s Education in the United States, 2 vols. (New York: The Science Press, 1929); Barbara Miller Solomon’s In the Company of Educated Women (New Haven, CT: Yale University Reading Press, 1985); and Lynn D. Gordon’s Gender and Higher Education in the Progressive Era (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990).

⁷ See Olivia Campbell, Women in White Coats: How the First Women Doctors Changed the World of Medicine (Toronto, Canada: Park Row, 2022); Janice P. Nimura, The Doctors Blackwell: How Two Pioneering Sisters Brought Medicine to Women and Women to Medicine (New York: Norton, 2022); Arleen Tuchman, Science Has No Sex: The Life of Marie Zakrzewska, M.D. (Studies in Social Medicine) (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014); Elizabeth Putnam Gordon, The Story of the Life and Work of Cordelia A. Greene, M.D. (Castile, NY: The Castilian, 1925); Waite, “Dr. Nancy,” 1195-98. Linda Goldstein has provided further insights into the lives of the six graduates of the Cleveland Medical College. Linda Lehmann Goldstein, “‘Without Compromising in Any Particular’: The Success of Medical Education in Cleveland, 1850-1856,” Caduceus 10 (1994), 101-15.

⁸ See, for example, Martha N. Gardner, “Midwife, Doctor, or Doctress? The New England Female Medical College and Women’s Place in Nineteenth-Century Medicine and Society” (unpublished dissertation, Brandeis University, 2002); Steven J. Peitzman, A New and Untried Course: Woman’s Medical College and Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1850-1998 (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2000); Susan Wells, Out of the Dead House: Nineteenth-Century Women Physicians and the Writing of Medicine (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2001).

⁹ Robert H. Wiebe, The Search for Order, 1877-1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967). Martin J. Sklar, The Corporate Reconstruction of American Capitalism, 1890-1916: The Market, the Law, and Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988).

¹⁰ George W. Knight and John R. Commons, The History of Higher Education in Ohio, Bureau of Education, Circular of Information No. 5 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1891), 8.

¹¹ Gordon, The Story of the Life; Kate Campbell Hurd-Mead, Medical Women of America: A Short History of the Pioneer Medical Women of America and a Few of Their Colleagues in England (New York: Froben Press, 1933).

¹² Cleveland’s transformation from an 1820s western frontier village to an 1850s metropolis was extremely fast. Its rapid pace of industrialization and urbanization, coupled with its advantageous location and access to revolutionary technologies in transportation and manufacturing, opened numerous job opportunities for women. William Ganson Rose, Cleveland: The Making of a City (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1950), https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=ucw.ark:/13960/t3b00222d&seq=14.

¹³ On medical education and institutions in antebellum America, see Martin Kaufman, American Medical Education: The Formative Years, 1765-1910 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1976); William F. Norwood, Medical Education in the United States before the Civil War (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1944); Rothstein, American Medical Schools; Richard H. Shryock, Medicine and Society in America: 1660-1860 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1960); Barrie Thorne, “Professional Education in Medicine,” in Education for the Professions of Medicine, Law, Theology, and Social Welfare, ed. Everett C. Hughes (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company/Carnegie Commission on Higher Education, 1973), 17-100.

¹⁴ In 1850, forty-two medical schools operated on a degree-granting basis. Rothstein, American Medical Schools, 49. Most of the original medical colleges, established first in the Northeast and slowly expanding to the South and West, were officially branches of colleges of arts and sciences; a few were established by medical societies or by private practitioners. Rothstein, 48-49; Kaufman, American Medical Education, 36; Roger L. Geiger, The History of American Higher Education: Learning and Culture from the Founding to WWII (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2016).

¹⁵ Paul Starr, The Social Transformation of American Medicine: The Rise of a Sovereign Profession and the Making of a Vast Industry (New York: Basic Books, 1982); Thorne, “Professional Education in Medicine,” 17-100. According to Starr, apprenticeships gradually shortened as the century progressed.

¹⁶ Historians have argued that the proliferation of proprietary medical schools only accelerated the reduction of standards in medical education, as older medical colleges had already started reducing standards by eliminating the bachelor of medicine degree, shortening the length of coursework, and providing fewer opportunities for practical learning. Kaufman, American Medical Education.

¹⁷ Rothstein, American Medical Schools, 36.

¹⁸ Rothstein, American Medical Schools, 39-41. Heroic methods of treatment—called “heroic” today to relate the idea that the physician took an active role in actually combating the disease—often included bleeding, purging, blistering, and “puking,” the latter which was often induced through strong emetics such as tartar and mercury-laden calomel. Toby Appel, “The Thomsonian Movement, the Regular Profession, and the State in Antebellum Connecticut: A Case Study of the Repeal of Early Medical Licensing Laws,” Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 65, no. 2 (2010), 153-86.

¹⁹ John S. Haller Jr., The People’s Doctor: Samuel Thomson and the American Botanical Movement, 1790-1860 (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 2001, 249). On the Thomsonian movement, see also Appel, “The Thomsonian Movement.”

²⁰ As Appel demonstrates, “The Thomsonian movement, founded by Samuel Thomson, was the first major challenge to the therapies and the social and economic standing of the orthodox medical profession in the United States.” “The Thomsonian Movement,” 153.

²¹ In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, many states had established state medical societies and authorized them to examine applicants for licenses to practice medicine. Although historians note that the consequences for being a non-licensed medical practitioner were minimal, they nevertheless existed; the major consequence was to deny the unlicensed practitioner the right to sue for fees. Kaufman, American Medical Education; Appel, “The Thomsonian Movement.” As Kaufman reports, “Almost all the medical license laws were repealed during the period from 1830 to 1850… . Only New Jersey, Louisiana, and the District of Columbia still had regulatory laws” (American Medical Education, 68).

²² Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science; Wells, Out of the Dead House. According to Morantz-Sanchez, “Some faculties shortened lecture sessions to enable students to receive the degree after nine months of attendance; other schools virtually abolished preliminary educational requirements, and clinical training at all… . Although technically most schools still demanded one year of clinical apprenticeship with a private physician before issuing the degree, the preceptorial requirement had virtually broken down by 1850” (p. 68).

²³ Irregular or sectarian institutions included Thomsonians or botanics, hydropaths, homeopaths, magnetic and electrical treatments, steam treatments, and self-treatment systems, among others. For detailed discussion on sectarian medicine in the middle of the nineteenth century, see John B. Blake, “Women and Medicine in Ante-bellum America,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 39, no. 2 (March-April 1965); Wells, Out of the Dead House; Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science.

²⁴ Whitfield Bell Jr., “The Medical Institution of Yale College, 1810-1885,” Yale Journal of Biology and Medicine 33 (1960), 176.

²⁵ Kaufman, American Medical Education, 93; Rothstein, American Medical Schools, 63. Although the American Medical Association emerged in 1847 to address standards, progress did not come until the end of the century.

²⁶ As Woody grimly noted, “About the middle of nineteenth century, when women tried to enter the medical profession, they had a sorry time of it. Even midwifery had fallen into the hands of men to a large extent.” Woody, A History of Women’s Education, 364.

²⁷ Bonner, To the Ends of the Earth¸6.

²⁸ Blake, “Women and Medicine,” 117. On the life and career of Elizabeth Blackwell, see Campbell, Women in White Coats; Nimura, The Doctors Blackwell. Blackwell was rejected by every school she applied to before being admitted to Geneva College. Her admission to Geneva happened under highly unusual circumstances. According to historical accounts, the school’s dean, Dr. Charles Lee, and faculty–unwilling to take responsibility for admitting a female–left the decision to a unanimous vote of the all-male student body. Considering the vote a practical joke, the male students, with much banter, voted unanimously to admit her. Elizabeth Blackwell went on to graduate two years later in 1849 as the first woman to earn a medical degree in the US. See Laura Clark, “The First Woman in America to Receive an M.D. was Admitted to Med School as a Joke,” Smithsonian Magazine (Jan. 21, 2015), https://www.smithsonianmag.com/smart-news/first-woman-america-receive-md-was-admitted-med-school-joke-180953978; “Elizabeth Blackwell,” Hobart and William Smith Colleges Archives Online Exhibits, (n.d.), https://hwsarchives.omeka.net/exhibits/show/geneva-medical-college/notable-members-of-geneva-medi/elizabeth-blackwell.

²⁹ As Dubois and Dumenil note, “Anxieties about coeducation were particularly intense over the prospect of women sitting beside men at lectures about the human body.” Ellen Carol Dubois and Lynn Dumenil, Through Women’s Eyes: An American History with Documents (New York: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2009), 376.

³⁰ Blake, “Women in Medicine”; Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science; Peitzman, A New and Untried Course.

³¹ Shryock, Medicine and Society, 376.

³² As Bonner reports, in 1859, Elizabeth Blackwell estimated that three hundred women had managed “to graduate somewhere in medicine.” To the Ends of the Earth, 14.

³³ The four colleges were in Boston, 1848; Philadelphia, 1850; New York, 1865; and Chicago, 1870; smaller schools were established in Baltimore, Atlanta, St. Louis, Cincinnati, and Toronto. Wells reports that by 1898, women’s colleges had enrolled a total of 377 students. Out of the Dead House, 8.

³⁴ Quoted in Gloria Moldow, Women Doctors in Gilded-Age Washington: Race, Gender, and Professionalization (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987), 6.

³⁵ Willystine Goodsell, ed., Pioneers of Women’s Education in the United States: Emma Willard, Catherine Beecher, Mary Lyon (New York: AMS Press, 1970).

³⁶ Moldow, Women Doctors, 6; Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 31-32.

³⁷ Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 32.

³⁸ Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 35. Although an increasing number of practicing female physicians emerged after having received training through alternative and women’s medical schools in the middle of the century, a few bold women also started practicing without organized medical training, after completing apprenticeships—a practice common for male physicians as well. A good example is the renowned Dr. Harriot Hunt of Boston. In Cleveland, Dr. Myra Merrick became the first female physician in 1852 after studying at a hydropathic and then a homeopathic college. See Marian Morton, “Merrick, Myra King,” Encyclopedia of Cleveland History, (n.d.), https://case.edu/ech/articles/m/merrick-myra-king.

³⁹ The argument presented in this section on the important role of women’s medical colleges comes from Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science. For Morantz-Sanchez, those schools offered women “a vigorous, demanding, and refreshingly progressive course of study” mostly focused on the feminine areas of gynecology and obstetrics (p. 67). Other sources on the importance of women’s medical colleges include Peitzman, A New and Untried Course; Virginia G. Drachman, Hospital with a Heart: Women Doctors and the Paradox of Separatism at the New England Hospital, 1862-1969 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1984).

⁴⁰ Dubois and Dumenil, Through Women’s Eyes. As Waite notes, none of these schools were recognized regular medical schools. Waite, “Dr. Nancy E. (Talbot) Clark,” 1195.

⁴¹ Bonner, Becoming a Physician, 25. Zakrzewska often publicly expressed her opposition to separate schools. For her, when women pushed to join men’s colleges, they only sought the best training, “and it is the Best in their chosen profession that medical women have always been seeking.” Agnes Vietor, ed., A Woman’s Quest: The Life of Marie E. Zakrzewska, M.D. (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1924), 400.

⁴² Eclectic, or botanic, institutions admitted women straight away. The National Eclectic Medical Association was the first physicians’ body that endorsed coeducation in 1855. Alexander Wilder, History of Medicine, and Especially a History of the American Eclectic Practice of Medicine (New Sharon, ME: New England Eclectic Pub. Co, 1901).

⁴³ Wells, Out of the Dead House, 8.

⁴⁴ Harold C. Livesay, “From Steeples to Smokestacks: The Birth of the Modern Corporation in Cleveland,” in The Birth of Modern Cleveland, 1865-1930, ed. Thomas F. Campbell and Edward M. Miggins (Cleveland: Western Reserve Historical Society, 1988), 54-70, 56.

⁴⁵ Jan Cigliano, Showplace of America: Cleveland’s Euclid Avenue, 1850-1910 (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1991); Rose, Cleveland.

⁴⁶ Marian J. Morton, Women in Cleveland: An Illustrated History (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995), 10-12.

⁴⁷ Carl E. Kaestle, “The Development of Common School Systems in the States of the Old Northwest,” in “… Schools and the Means of Education Shall Forever Be Encouraged”: A History of Education in the Old Northwest, 1787-1880, ed. Paul H. Mattingly and Edward W. Stevens Jr. (Athens: Ohio University Libraries, 1987).

⁴⁸ Kathryn K. Sklar, “Female Teachers: ‘Firm Pillars’ of the West,” in Mattingly and Stevens, “Schools and the Means of Education …,” 58. On the feminization of teaching across the country, see Carl F. Kaestle, Pillars of the Republic: Common Schools and American Society, 1780-1860 (New York: Hill & Wang, 1983). According to Kaestle, “In 1800 most teachers had been male, with the exception of the women who conducted neighborhood dame schools or private lessons in female accomplishments. By 1900, most teachers were women—about 70 percent of the precollegiate instructors nationwide. For the North, the period of fastest change in this momentous shift came in the antebellum period” (p. 125). According to Melder, “The highest ratio of women to men teachers occurred in urban areas.” Keith Melder, “Woman’s High Calling: The Teaching Profession in America, 1830-1860,” American Studies 13, no. 2 (1972), 19-32, 26.

⁴⁹ Sklar, “Female Teachers,” 58-59.

⁵⁰ Morton, Women in Cleveland, 13; Linda T. Guilford, “Early Schools and Teachers of Cleveland,” in Official Report of the Centennial Celebration of the Founding of the City of Cleveland and the Settlement of the Western Reserve, compiled by Edward A. Roberts (Cleveland: Cleveland Printing and Publishing Co., 1896), 184.

⁵¹ Around 200 students attended the private Protestant schools in the 1850s, and around 2,000—the Catholic parochial schools. Although nuns were not supposed to teach older boys in Catholic schools, the overwhelming needs for teachers and the lack of male teachers forced the bishop to remove the rules; soon, nuns taught everyone. Morton, Women in Cleveland, 14-16.

⁵² Sklar, “Female Teachers,” 61.

⁵³ Margaret Nash, “‘A Salutary Rivalry’: The Growth of Higher Education for Women in Oxford, Ohio, 1855-1867,” in The American College in the Nineteenth Century, ed. Roger L. Geiger (Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 2000), 169-82.

⁵⁴ According to Woody, a shift in “public sentiment” was emerging, reflected in the establishment of “numerous societies, associations, and schools set up to teach or encourage the teaching of medicine to women.” Woody, A History of Women’s Education, 350, 356.

⁵⁵ Lois Scharf, “The Women’s Movement in Cleveland from 1850,” in Cleveland: A Tradition of Reform, ed. David D. Van Tassel and John J. Grabowski (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1986), 67-90, 69.

⁵⁶ “Constitution of the Ohio Female Medical Education Society,” Ohio Cultivator: A Semi-Monthly Journal 9, no. 1 (Jan. 1853), 12, https://archive.org/details/sim_ohio-cultivator_1853-01-01_9_1/page/12/mode/2up?q=society.

⁵⁷ Tuchman, Science Has No Sex, 68.

⁵⁸ Ohio Cultivator, 1853, 13.

⁵⁹ “Constitution of the Ohio Female Medical Education Society,” 1853, 12.

⁶⁰ Goldstein, “‘Without Compromising in Any Particular,’” 108.

⁶¹ Harriot K. Hunt, Glances and Glimpses; or Fifty Years Social, Including Twenty Years Professional Life (Boston: John P. Jewett and Company, 1856), 349-51.

⁶² Hunt, Glances and Glimpses, 347.

⁶³ Josephine C. Batham, “Medical Diplomas—Reply to Mrs. Trago,” Ohio Cultivator: A Semi-Monthly Journal 9, no. 10 (Oct. 1853), 156, https://archive.org/details/sim_ohio-cultivator_1853-05-15_9_10/page/156/mode/2up?q=freely. The magazine also informed its readers about practicing female physicians. For example, issue no. 10 published the advertisement of a “Mrs. M. Senter, Physician, High Street, Opposite the New Court House, Columbus, Ohio. Mrs. S. will pay particular attention to Obstetrics, and Female complaints generally” (p. 158).

⁶⁴ James Harrison Kennedy, A History of the City of Cleveland: Its Settlement, Rise and Progress, 1796-1896 (Cleveland: Imperial Press, 1896), 447; Roger L. Geiger, “The Era of Multipurpose Colleges in American Higher Education, 1850 to 1890,” History of Higher Education Annual 15 (1995).

⁶⁵ The Western Reserve Territory was a strip of the Northwest Territory that until 1800 belonged to the state of Connecticut and was settled mostly with New Englanders (Kennedy, A History, 447).

⁶⁶ Mary Ann Dzuback, “Gender and the Politics of Knowledge,” History of Education Quarterly 43, no. 2 (Summer 2003), 173.

⁶⁷ Cleveland Herald, May 23, 1843.

⁶⁸ Frederick Waite, “Jared Potter Kirtland, Physician, Teacher, Horticulturist, and Eminent Naturalist,” Ohio Journal of Science 30, no. 3 (May 1930), 159.

⁶⁹ Cleveland Herald, Aug. 28, 1843.

⁷⁰ Rose, Cleveland, 191.

⁷¹ Source for Western Reserve College photo: Hudson Library & Historical Society collection, https://www.hudsonmemory.org/places/western-reserve-college/. Source for Medical School: University Archives of Case Western Reserve University, https://case.edu/its/archives/downtown/medicine.htm.

⁷² “An Act to amend an Act entitled An Act to incorporate the trustees of the Western Reserve College, passed February 7th, 1826,” in Carroll Cutler, A History of Western Reserve College, during Its First Half Century, 1826-1876 (Cleveland: Crocker’s Publishing House, 1876), appendix C, 80.

⁷³ Rose, Cleveland, 192.

⁷⁴ “Advertisement: Cleveland Medical College,” Plain Dealer, Oct. 14, 1845, 3.

⁷⁵ C. H. Cramer, Case Western Reserve: A History of the University, 1826-1976 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1976), 297-98.

⁷⁶ “Cleveland Medical College,” Plain Dealer, Oct. 26, 1850, 2.

⁷⁷ “The Annual Course of Lectures in the Cleveland Medical College,” Plain Dealer, Sept. 2, 1851, 4.

⁷⁸ “Commencement of Western Reserve College, Prof. Sheppard’s Address,” Plain Dealer, March 3, 1852, 2.

⁷⁹ Faculty Minutes, Feb. 12, 1851, Cleveland Medical College, 1844-1871, vol. 1, Case Western Reserve University Archives.

⁸⁰ Faculty Minutes, Feb. 12, 1851.

⁸¹ See Waite, “Jared Potter Kirtland,” 1930; Waite, “Dr. Nancy,” 1931.

⁸² Rose, Cleveland, 186; “The Annual Course of Lectures in the Cleveland Medical College,” Plain Dealer, Sept. 2, 1851, 4.

⁸³ Cramer, Case Western Reserve, 296.

⁸⁴ Linda T. Guilford, The Story of a Cleveland School from 1848 to 1881 (Cambridge, MA: J. Wilson and Son, 1890), 19, 66.

⁸⁵ Genevieve Miller, “Dr. John Delamater, ‘True Physician,’” Journal of Medical Education 34, no. 1 (Jan. 1959, 24-31); Waite, “Jared Potter Kirtland,” 1930; Cramer, Case Western Reserve, 296.

⁸⁶ Miller points to evidence that it was not John Delamater but “his more aggressive and forceful pupil, Dr. Horace A. Ackley,” who was the “moving force” behind the creation of the Cleveland Medical College. Miller, “Dr. John Delamater,” 28.

⁸⁷ Howard A. Kelly and Walter L. Burrage, American Medical Biographies (Baltimore: The Norman, Remington Company, 1920), 2-3; Jon Miller, “From the Periodical Archives: Selections from the ‘Akron Offering’: A Ladies’ Literary Magazine,” American Periodicals 24, no. 1 (2024), 79-92, 92n7. A contemporary, Orlando Hodge, describes Ackley as “a well-known character in Cleveland. The doctor was somewhat eccentric and attracted a good deal of notice.” O.J. Hodge, Reminiscences (Cleveland: Imperial Press, 1902), 62-65, 62. See also John Jensen, “Before the Surgeon General: Marine Hospitals in Mid-19th-Century America,” Public Health Reports 112, no. 6 (Nov.-Dec., 1997), 525-27; Ira M. Rutkow, The History of Surgery in the United States, 1775-1900, vol. 2 (San Francisco: Norman Publishing, 1992).

⁸⁸ Kelly and Burrage, American Medical Biographies, 201.

⁸⁹ Kelly and Burrage, American Medical Biographies, 1014.

⁹⁰ Miller, “Dr. John Delamater,” 28.

⁹¹ Waite, “Jared Potter Kirtland,” 160.

⁹² Tuchman, Science Has No Sex¸ 60, 70-71.

⁹³ Tuchman, Science Has No Sex¸ 60.

⁹⁴ Tuchman, Science Has No Sex¸ 71.

⁹⁵ Tuchman, Science Has No Sex¸ 70-71.

⁹⁶ Tuchman, Science Has No Sex¸ 70-71.

⁹⁷ Frederick C. Waite, Western Reserve University, the Hudson Era: A History of Western Reserve College and Academy at Hudson, Ohio, from 1825 to 1882 (Cleveland: Western Reserve University Press, 1943), 514.

⁹⁸ Frederick Cl. Waite, ed., Alumni Catalogue of the School of Medicine of Western Reserve University, including graduates and non-graduates of Cleveland Medical College, 1843-1881 (Cleveland: CWRU Archives, 1930), https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=ien.35558005338666&seq=3.

⁹⁹ Miller, “Dr. John Delamater,” 29.

¹⁰⁰ Waite, “Dr. Nancy.”

¹⁰¹ Waite, “Dr. Nancy.”

¹⁰² Waite, “Dr. Nancy,” 1196.

¹⁰³ Daily True Democrat, March 4, 1852.

¹⁰⁴ Waite, Alumni Catalogue.

¹⁰⁵ Waite, Alumni Catalogue.

¹⁰⁶ Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 79.

¹⁰⁷ Nimura, The Doctors Blackwell, 159.

¹⁰⁸ “Commencement of the Cleveland Medical College,” Plain Dealer, Feb. 22, 1854, 3.

¹⁰⁹ “Medical College Exercises,” Plain Dealer, March 1, 1856, 3.

¹¹⁰ Tuchman, Science Has No Sex, 79.

¹¹¹ Vietor, A Woman’s Quest, 169.

¹¹² Nimura, The Doctors Blackwell, 180.

¹¹³ Gordon, The Story of the Life.

¹¹⁴ Vietor, A Woman’s Quest, 141.

¹¹⁵ Vietor, A Woman’s Quest, 140; 157-58.

¹¹⁶ Vietor, A Woman’s Quest, 156.

¹¹⁷ Cited in Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 60.

¹¹⁸ Vietor, A Woman’s Quest, 158.

¹¹⁹ Tuchman, Science Has No Sex, 79.

¹²⁰ Goldstein, “‘Without Compromising in Any Particular,’” 111.

¹²¹ Vietor, A Woman’s Quest, 126-27.

¹²² Vietor, A Woman’s Quest, 157.

¹²³ Rob Boddice,”The Manly Mind? Revisiting the Victorian ‘Sex in Brain’ Debate,” Gender & History 23, no. 2 (Aug. 2011), 321-40.

¹²⁴ Nancy E. Clark, “The Relations of the Brain, Heart and Lungs” (MD thesis, Cleveland Medical College, 1852); Emily Blackwell, “A Thesis on Certain Principles of Practical Medicine” (MD thesis, Cleveland Medical College, 1854), both in Cleveland Health Sciences Library Archives, Cleveland, OH.

¹²⁵ Vietor, A Woman’s Quest, 170.

¹²⁶ Nimura, The Doctors Blackwell, 2021, 160.

¹²⁷ Nimura, The Doctors Blackwell, 2021, 160.

¹²⁸ Vietor, A Woman’s Quest, 121.

¹²⁹ Diana Tittle, “Significant Others: The Defining Domestic Life of Caroline Seymour Severance,” California History 88, no. 1 (2010), 36.

¹³⁰ Tittle, “Significant Others”; “Caroline Severance,” Encyclopedia of Cleveland History, National Union of Healthcare Workers, https://nuhw.org/caroline-severance/.

¹³¹ Vietor, A Woman’s Quest, 122, 135.

¹³² Tittle, “Significant Others,” 37.

¹³³ Hunt, Glances and Glimpses, 349 (emphasis in original).

¹³⁴ Vietor, A Woman’s Quest, 132-35; 152.

¹³⁵ Vietor, A Woman’s Quest, 122, 175.

¹³⁶ Vietor, A Woman’s Quest, 122, 116.

¹³⁷ Vietor, A Woman’s Quest, 143, 153-54.

¹³⁸ Vietor, A Woman’s Quest, 172.

¹³⁹ Vietor, A Woman’s Quest, 67; Marie E. Zakrzewska, “Introductory Lecture Delivered Wednesday, November 2, before the New England Female Medical College, at the Opening of the Term of 1859-60” (Boston: Hewes, 1859), 5-6; Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 62.

¹⁴⁰ Arleen M. Tuchman, “Situating Gender: Marie E. Zakrzewska and the Place of Science in Women’s Medical Education,” Isis 95, no. 1 (March 2004), 39.

¹⁴¹ Waite, “Dr. Nancy.”

¹⁴² Bonner, To the Ends of the Earth, 13, 27.

¹⁴³ Bonner, To the Ends of the Earth, 27.

¹⁴⁴ Peitzman, A New and Untried Course, 8.

¹⁴⁵ Annie S. Daniel, “A Cautious Experiment: The History of the New York Infirmary for Women and Children and the Woman’s Medical College of the New York Infirmary,” Medical Woman’s Journal 47 (Feb. 1940).

¹⁴⁶ Daniel, “A Cautious Experiment.”

¹⁴⁷ Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 184.

¹⁴⁸ “Dr. Cordelia A. Greene,” Women’s Suffrage Digitization Project, Rochester Regional Library Council, https://winningthevote.org/biographies/cordelia-greene/; Vietor, A Woman’s Quest, 126.

¹⁴⁹ “Salem Historical Society names 2018 Citizens of Honor,” Alliance Review, April 12, 2018, https://www.the-review.com/story/news/2018/04/12/salem-historical-society-names-2018/12715669007/; Vietor, A Woman’s Quest, 126.

¹⁵⁰ Vietor, A Woman’s Quest; Drachman, Hospital with a Heart; Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science.

¹⁵¹ Bonner, To the Ends of the Earth, 26-27. Dr. Ann Preston became the first female Dean of the Woman’s Medical College in Pennsylvania in 1866. Dr. Mary Harris Thompson founded the Chicago Hospital for Women and Children in 1865.

¹⁵² Drachman, Hospital with a Heart, 21.

¹⁵³ Martin Kaufman, “The Admission of Women to Nineteenth-Century American Medical Societies,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 50, no. 2 (Summer 1976), 260. The American Medical Association admitted its first women, Sarah Hackett Stevenson, in 1876; state medical societies did not admit women until the mid-1880s.

¹⁵⁴ Morton, Women in Cleveland, 62.

¹⁵⁵ “Homeopathy,” Encyclopedia of Cleveland History, https://case.edu/ech/articles/h/homeopathy; Robert I. Vexler, Cleveland: A Chronological & Documentary History, 1760-1976 (Dobbs Ferry, NY: Oceana Publications, 1977), 29. That year, as a result of the Western Homeopathic College’s decision, Dr. Myra King Merrick organized the Homeopathic College for Women, affiliated with the Cleveland Homeopathic Hospital for Women, and in 1878, she led the city’s female doctors to organize the Women’s and Children’s Free Medical and Surgical Dispensary. Morton, Women in Cleveland, 54. These institutions offered an alternative route into the medical profession for women at a time when official training institutions closed their doors to them.

¹⁵⁶ Morton, Women in Cleveland; 62; Waite, Alumni Catalogue.