Skip to main content Accessibility help

We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.

Close cookie message
×
Hostname: page-component-6bb9c88b65-lm65w Total loading time: 0.006 Render date: 2025-07-23T14:53:47.319Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
Series:   Elements in Indo-Pacific Security

Factional Politics in the Liberal Democratic Party

Explaining Change and Continuity in Japan's Economic Statecraft

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 June 2025

Michael J. Gigante  and
Ming Wan
Michael J. Gigante
Affiliation:
George Mason University
Ming Wan
Affiliation:
George Mason University

Summary

What explains change and continuity in Japan's economic statecraft? This Element examines the interplay between factional dynamics in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and Japan's foreign policy through two cases: Japan's unprecedented decision to impose severe sanctions on Russia following its 2022 Ukraine invasion, and its decades-long ASEAN strategy amid political uncertainty and great power competition. The authors find that factional balance or the outsized influence of a large faction facilitates abrupt political-economic shifts, sustained until a similar dynamic triggers correction. Unlike most systems, Japan's intra-party politics do not lead to full leadership turnover, enabling factions to influence policy while empowering non-leadership members to drive change. This dual role strengthens barriers to change, embedding political inertia. Using factional membership data from 1961 to 2024, they argue that factions are a more systematic unit of analysis than political entrepreneurs in understanding the relationship between Japan's domestic politics and foreign policy decisions.
Get access

Keywords

Japanese foreign policyeconomic statecraftfactional politicsLiberal Democratic Party of Japanthe War in Ukrainethe Fukuda Doctrine

Information

Type
Element
Information
Series: Elements in Indo-Pacific Security
Online ISBN: 9781009608985
Publisher: Cambridge University Press
Print publication: 03 July 2025

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Element purchase

Temporarily unavailable

References

Abe, Shinzō. 2006. Utsukushii kuni e (Towards a beautiful country). Tokyo: Bungei shunjū.Google Scholar
Akahata Shimbun. 2022. “Chikara Tairyoku de ha naku, Gaikōryoku de Heiwa wo” (Not Power vs. Power, Peace through Diplomatic Power), May 25. www.jcp.or.jp/akahata/aik22/2022-05-25/2022052501_02_0.html.Google Scholar
Akimoto, Daisuke. 2022. “Hayato Ikeda: The Income Doubling Plan and Peace Through Prosperity Initiative.” In Akimoto, Daisuke, ed., Japanese Prime Ministers and their Peace Philosophy: 1945 to the Present, 111–17. Singapore: Palgrave Macmillan.10.1007/978-981-16-8379-4CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Araki, Mitsuya. 2007. “Japan’s Official Development Assistance: The Japan ODA Model that Began Life in Southeast Asia.” Asia-Pacific Review 14 (2): 17–29.10.1080/13439000701733218CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Asahi Shimbun. 2022a. “Jimin Takaichishi Hayashi Gaimushō wo hihan ‘Roshia risuru no de ha?’” (LDP’s Takaichi criticized Foreign Minister Hayashi, “is it profitable for Russia?”), February 17. www.asahi.com/articles/ASQ2K5FLDQ2KUTFK00R.html?iref=ogimage_rek.Google Scholar
Asahi Shimbun. 2022b. “Seifu, Nihon, Beikoku, EU Nado Wo ‘Hiyūkōkoku’ Ni Seisai Ni Taikōka? ‘Ukuraina Jōsei’” (Russian government calls countries like Japan, US, EU “unfriendly countries” to counter sanctions), March 8. www.asahi.com/articles/ASQ382GJDQ37UHBI03T.html.Google Scholar
Asahi Shimbun. 2022c. “Abe-Shi, Kakukyōyūnifure, ‘Sekaino Genjitu, Giron Tabu-Minaranu’,” (Mr. Abe touches on Nuclear Sharing, ‘the realities of the world should not be taboo,’ Fuji TV”), February 27. www.asahi.com/articles/ASQ2W5605Q2WUTFK00G.html.Google Scholar
Asahi Shimbun. 2023. September 6 (www.asahi.com/articles/DA3S15734603.html?iref=pc_opinion_top__n).Google Scholar
Secretariat, ASEAN. 2015. ASEAN Statistical Yearbook 2015. Jakarta: ASEAN Secretariat.Google Scholar
Secretariat, ASEAN. 2022. ASEAN Statistical Yearbook 2022. Jakarta: ASEAN Secretariat.Google Scholar
Ashizawa, Kuniko. 2003. “Japan’s Approach toward Asian Regional Security: From ‘Hub-and-Spoke’ Bilateralism to ‘Multi-Tiered’.” The Pacific Review 16 (3): 361–82.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Axelrod, Robert. 1984. The Evolution of Cooperation. New York: Basic Books.Google Scholar
Baldwin, David A. 2020. Economic Statecraft. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Bessetsu Kokkai Binran Dai 1 Shū [Offprint Diet Handbook Vol. 1]. Tokyo Nihon Seikei Shimbunsha, 1975.Google Scholar
Bessetsu Kokkai Binran Dai 2 Shū [Offprint Diet Handbook Vol. 2]. Tokyo Nihon Seikei Shimbunsha, 1976.Google Scholar
Blaker, Michael. 1993. “Evaluating Japanese Diplomatic Performance.” In Curtis, Gerald, ed., Japan’s Foreign Policy after the Cold War: Coping with Change. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, pp. 1–42.Google Scholar
Bradford, John F. 2022. “Japanese Naval Activities in Southeast Asian Waters: Building on 50 Years of Maritime Security Capacity Building.” Asian Security 17 (1): 79–104.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Brown, Eugene. 1993. “The Debate over Japan’s Strategic Future: Bilateralism versus Regionalism.” Asian Survey 33 (6): 543–559.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Brown, James D. J. 2018. “Japan’s Security Cooperation with Russia: Neutralizing the Threat of a China-Russia United Front.” International Affairs 94 (4): 861–882.10.1093/ia/iiy031CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Brown, James D. J. 2021. “Testing a Theory to Destruction: Abe’s Legacy and Relations with Russia.” In Brown, James D. J., Delamotte, Guibourg, and Dujarric, Robert, eds., The Abe Legacy: How Japan Has Been Shaped by Abe Shinzō. New York: Lexington Books, pp. 209–228.10.5040/9781978726932.ch-11CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Brown, James D. J., Delamotte, Guibourg, and Dujarric, Robert, eds. 2021. The Abe Legacy: How Japan Has Been Shaped by Abe Shinzō. New York: Lexington Books.10.5040/9781978726932CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bukh, Alexander. 2022. “Japan-Russia Relations.” In Pekkanen, Robert J. and Pekkanen, Saadia M., eds., The Oxford Handbook of Japanese Politics, 919–936. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Calder, Kent E. 1988. “Japanese Foreign Economic Policy Formation.” World Politics 40 (4): 517–541.10.2307/2010317CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Calder, Kent. 1997. “Domestic Constraints and Japan’s Emerging International Role.” In Clesse, Armand, ed., The Vitality of Japan: Sources of National Strength and Weakness, 193–206. New York: St. Martin’s Press.10.1007/978-1-349-25489-7_9CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Chang, Felix. 2023. “Japan’s Bigger Defense Budget: Getting to Effective Deterrence.” Foreign Policy Research Institute, January 31. www.fpri.org/article/2023/01/japans-bigger-defense-budget-getting-to-effective-deterrence/.Google Scholar
Christensen, Raymond V. 2006. “An Analysis of the 2005 Japanese General Election: Will Koizumi’s Reforms Endure?” Asian Survey 46 (4): 497–516.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Chung, Chien-peng. 2013. “China and Japan in ‘ASEAN Plus’ Multilateral Arrangements: Raining on the Other Guy’s Parade.” Asian Survey 53 (5): 801–824.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ciorciari, John D. and Tsutusi, Kiyoteru. 2021. “From the Fukuda Doctrine to the FOIP: The Evolution of Japanese Engagement in Southeast Asia.” In Ciorciari, John D. and Tsutusi, Kiyoteru, eds., The Courteous Power: Japan and Southeast Asia in the Indo-Pacific Era, 1–21. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cook, Malcolm. 2014. “Southeast Asia and the Major Powers: Engagement Not Entanglement.” Southeast Asian Affairs, 37–52.Google Scholar
Curtis, Gerald L. 1989. The Japanese Way of Politics. New York: Columbia University Press.Google Scholar
Curtis, Gerald L. 1999. The Logic of Japanese Politics: Leaders, Institutions, and the Limits of Change. New York: Columbia University Press.Google Scholar
Dayan, Alexandere, Stanhope, Grace, and Rajah, Roland. 2023. “Southeast Asia Aid Map: Key Findings Report.” Lowy Institute. June 6. https://seamap.lowyinstitute.org/data/Google Scholar
Ensign, Margee. 1992. Doing Good or Doing Well. New York: Columbia University Press.Google Scholar
Envall, H. D. P. 2016. “Japan’s ‘Pivot’ Perspective: Reassurance, Restructuring, and the Rebalance.” Security Challenges 12 (3): 5–19.Google Scholar
Envall, H. D. P. and Thomas, S. Wilkins. 2023. “Japan and the New Indo-Pacific Order: The Rise of an Entrepreneurial Power.” The Pacific Review 36 (4): 691–722.10.1080/09512748.2022.2033820CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Er, Lam Peng. 2009. Japan’s Peace-Building Diplomacy in Asia: Seeking a More Active Political Role. New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
Farnsworth, Lee W. 1981. “Japan in 1980: The Conservative Resurgence.” Asian Survey 21 (1): 70–83.10.2307/2643666CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Fung, Kalvin. 2021. “Not Quite a Follower: ASEAN’s Response to Japan’s Regional Initiatives.” In Ciorciari, John D. and Tsutusi, Kiyoteru, eds., The Courteous Power: Japan and Southeast Asia in the Indo-Pacific Era, 120–45. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.Google Scholar
Ghosh, Nirma. 2023. “Fewer Warnings, More Trade: Analysts on How US, China Can Engage South-east Asia,” The Straits Times, September 22, www.straitstimes.com/world/united-states/fewer-warnings-more-trade-analysts-on-how-us-china-can-engage-south-east-asia.Google Scholar
Glaser, Charles L. 2010. Rational Theory of International Politics: The Logic of Competition and Cooperation. Princeton: University Press.Google Scholar
Gourevitch, Peter. 1978. “The Second Image Reversed: The International Sources of Domestic Politics.” International Organization 32 (4): 881–912.10.1017/S002081830003201XCrossRefGoogle Scholar
Green, Michael. 2011. “The Democratic Party of Japan and the Future of the U.S.-Japan Alliance.” The Journal of Japanese Studies 37 (1): 91–116.10.1353/jjs.2011.a413481CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Green, Michael. 2022. Line of Advantage: Japan’s Grand Strategy in the Era of Abe Shinzō. New York: Columbia University Press.10.7312/gree20466CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Greene, Zachary D. and Licht, Amanda A.. 2018. “Domestic Politics and Changes in Foreign Aid Allocation: The Role of Party Preferences.” Political Research Quarterly 71 (2): 284–301.10.1177/1065912917735176CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Grønning, Bjørn Elias Mikalsen. 2018. “Operational and Industrial Military Integration: Extending the Frontiers of the Japan-US Alliance.” International Affairs 94 (4): 755–772.10.1093/ia/iiy097CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gustafsson, Karl Linus, Hagstrom, , and Hanssen, Ulv. 2018. “Japan’s Pacifism is Dead.” Survival 60 (6): 137–158.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hattori, Ryuji. 2022. China-Japan Rapprochement and the United States: In the Wake of Nixon’s Visit to Beijing, translated by Graham B. Leonard, New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
Heginbotham, Eric and Samuels, Richard J.. 2018. “Active Denial: Redesigning Japan’s Response to China’s Military Challenge.” International Security 42 (4): 128–169.10.1162/isec_a_00313CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hellmann, Donald C. 1969. Japanese Foreign Policy and Domestic Politics: The Peace Agreemen with the Soviet Union. Berkeley: University of California Press.10.1525/9780520377929CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hellmann, Donald C. 1979. “Japan and Southeast Asia: Continuity amidst Change.” Asian Survey 19 (12): 1189–1198.10.2307/2643964CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hirokawa, Takashi and Hirogawa, Yuki. 2022. “Kishida shushō ga kyō naikaku kaizō e, keisan-shō ni Nishimura zen saisei-shō to hōdō” [Prime Minister Kishida to reshuffle cabinet today, reports suggest former Minister Nishimura for Minister of Economy, Trade, and Industry]. Bloomberg. August 9, 2021. www.bloomberg.co.jp/news/articles/2022-08-09/RGBOE1T1UM0X01.Google Scholar
Horiuchi, Yusaku and Saito, Jun. 2003. “Reapportionment and Redistribution: Consequences of Electoral Reform in Japan.” American Journal of Political Science 47 (4): 669–682.10.1111/1540-5907.00047CrossRefGoogle Scholar
House of Representatives of Japan. 2017. “Dai 195 Kai Kokkai Anzenhosho Saninkai Dai 2 Go (Heisei 29, 12, 1 (Kinyobi)), Dai 2 Go, Heisei 29nen, 12gatsu, Tsuitachi (Kinyobi) [195th Diet Session 2nd Security Committee (Heisei 29, December 1st (Friday)), Number 2 Session, Heisei 29, December 1st (Friday)].” December 1. www.shugiin.go.jp/internet/itdb_kaigiroku.nsf/html/kaigiroku/001519520171201002.htm.Google Scholar
Hufbauer, Gary Clyde and Hogan, Megan. 2022. “How Effective are Sanctions against Russia?” Peterson Institute for International Economics, March 16. www.piie.com/blogs/realtime-economic-issues-watch/how-effective-are-sanctions-against-russia.Google Scholar
Hughes, Christopher W. 2006. “The Political Economy of Japanese Sanctions Towards North Korea: Domestic Coalitions and International Systemic Pressures.” Pacific Affairs 79 (3): 455–481.10.5509/2006793455CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hughes, Christopher W., Patalano, Alessio, and Ward, Robert. 2021. “Japan’s Grand Strategy: The Abe Era and its Aftermath.” Survival 63 (1): 125–160.10.1080/00396338.2021.1881258CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ichimura, Shin’ichi. 1980. “Japan and Southeast Asia.” Asian Survey 20 (7): 754–762.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ikenberry, G. John. 2001. After Victory: Institutions, Strategic Restraint, and the Rebuilding of Order after Major War. Princeton: Princeton University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute. 2021. The State of Southeast Asia, Singapore: ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute.Google Scholar
ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute. 2023. The State of Southeast Asia, Singapore: ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute.Google Scholar
Ishikawa, Masumi and Hirosemi, Chisada. 1989. Jimintō: chōki shihai no kōzō [LDP: The structure long term control]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten.Google Scholar
Izumikawa, Yasuhiro. 2013. “To Coerce or Reward? Theorizing Wedge Strategies in Alliance Politics.” Security Studies 22 (3): 498–531. doi.org/10.1080/09636412.2013.816121.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Japanese Foreign Ministry. 2019. “Opinion Poll on Japan in ASEAN Countries.” March 20. www.mofa.go.jp/p_pd/pds/page23e_000555.html.Google Scholar
Japanese Foreign Ministry. 2023. “Prime Minister Kishida’s speech.” September 6. www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/a_o/rp/page6_000906.html.Google Scholar
Jiji. 2022. “[Kōnō-Ishiba rengō] de Asshoku Kurō Abe・Asōshi to kiretsu mo ―Jimintōsōsaisen,” (“Aiming for an overwhelming victory with the ‘Kono-Ishiba coalition’, A rift between Abe and Aso - Liberal Democratic Party presidential election”), accessed June 10, 2022. www.jiji.com/jc/article?k=2021091401027&g=pol.Google Scholar
Jimbo, Ken. 2021. “Japan’s Defense and Security Cooperation in Southeast Asia: Developing Security Networks, Capacities, and Institutions.” In Ciorciari, John D. and Tsutusi, Kiyoteru, eds., The Courteous Power: Japan and Southeast Asia in the Indo-Pacific Era, 54–72. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.Google Scholar
Johnson, Chalmers. 1993. “The State and Japanese Grand Strategy.” In Rosecrance, Richard and Stein, Arthur A., eds., The Domestic Bases of Grand Strategy, 201–223. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.Google Scholar
Kabashima, Ikuo and Steel, Gill. 2007. “The Koizumi Revolution.” PS: Political Science and Politics 40 (1): 79–84.Google Scholar
Kalicki, Konrad. 2022. “Fearful states: the migration-security nexus in Northeast Asia.” The Pacific Review 35 (1): 59–89. https://doi.org/10.1080/09512748.2020.1806914.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Katada, Saori N. 2020. Japan’s New Regional Reality: Geoeconomic Strategy in the Asia-Pacific. New York: Columbia University Press.Google Scholar
Katagiri, Nori. 2020. “Shinzo Abe’s Indo-Pacific Strategy: Japan’s Recent Achievement and Future Direction.” Asian Security 16 (2): 179–200.10.1080/14799855.2019.1607304CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kato, Hiroshi. 2015. “Japan’s ODA 1954-2014: Changes and Continuities in a Central Instrument in Japan’s Foreign Policy.” In Kato, Hiroshi, Page, John, Shimomura, Yasutami, eds., Japan’s Foreign Assistance: Foreign Aid and the Post-2015 Agenda, 1–18. London: Palgrave Macmillan.Google Scholar
Katsumata, Hiro. 2006. “Why Does Japan Downplay Human Rights in Southeast Asia?” International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 6 (2): 249–267.10.1093/irap/lci139CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kesavan, K. V. 1985. “Japan’s Policy toward the Kampuchean Question.” Asian Survey 25 (11): 1123–1133.10.2307/2644250CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kiel Institute for the World Economy. 2023. “Ukraine Support Tracker,” accessed August 12, 2021, www.ifw-kiel.de/topics/war-against-ukraine/ukraine-support-tracker/.Google Scholar
Kishida, Fumio. 2021a. “‘Jimintō Sosaisenkyō 2021 Kokujibi Dai Issei’ Shin-nakuba Tatazu. Kishida Fumio no Kinshin Hyōmei Enzetsu,” (“LDP 2021 Presidential Election, First Public Speech, If I did not believe, I would not stand, Fumio Kishida’s Latest Manifesto Public Speech”). Fumio Kishida’s Public Website, September 17. https://kishida.gr.jp/activity/7777.Google Scholar
Kishida, Fumio. 2021b. “Dai 101 Dai Naikaku Sōri Daijin ni Shimei sare, Hikitsudzuki Kichō wo Ninau Kototonarimashita,” (“Appointment as the 101st Prime Minister, I will Continue to Bear the Heavy Responsibilities”). Fumio Kishida’s Personal Blog, November 11. https://kishida.gr.jp/activity/7968.Google Scholar
Kishida, Fumio. 2021c. “Atarashii shihonshugi genkaigi dainikai wo kaisaishi, kihonteki kangaekata wo torimatomemashita” (Basic thinking regarding the Second New Capitalism Realization Conference). Kishida Fumio blog, November 8. https://kishida.gr.jp/activity/7960.Google Scholar
Kokkai Binran [Diet Handbook]. Tokyo Nihon Seikei Shimbunsha, 1964–2024, Vols. 55–158.Google Scholar
Koga, Kei. 2016. “Japan’s ‘Strategic Coordination’ in 2015: ASEAN, Southeast Asia, and Abe’s Diplomatic Agenda.” Southeast Asian Affairs, 67–80.Google Scholar
Koga, Kei. 2019. “Japan’s ‘Free and Open Indo-Pacific’ Strategy: Tokyo’s Tactical Hedging and the Implications for ASEAN.” Contemporary Southeast Asia 41 (2): 286–313.10.1355/cs41-2lCrossRefGoogle Scholar
Koga, Kei. 2020. “Japan’s ‘Indo-Pacific’ Question: Countering China or Shaping a New Regional Order.” International Affairs 96 (1): 49–73.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Koga, Kei. 2023. “Japan’s Policy toward ASEAN in 2023: Opportunities and Challenges,” Stimson Center, January 25 (www.stimson.org/2023/japans-policy-toward-asean-in-2023/).Google Scholar
Krauss, Ellis S. and Pekkanen, Robert. 2004. “Explaining Party Adaptation to Electoral Reform: The Discreet Charm of the LDP?” The Journal of Japanese Studies 30 (1): 1–34.10.1353/jjs.2004.0021CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Krauss, Ellis S. and Pekkanen, Robert. 2011. The Rise and Fall of Japan’s LDP: Political Party Organizations as Historical Institutions. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
News, Kyodo. 2022. “ASEAN Citizens View China as Paramount Future Partner: Japan Poll.” May 26 (https://english.kyodonews.net/news/2022/05/558c247bfcb1-asean-citizens-view-china-as-paramount-future-partner-japan-poll.html).Google Scholar
Kyomiya, Ryū. 1984. Fukuda Seiken 714-nichi [714 days of Fukuda administration]. Tokyo: Gyōsei Mondai Kenkyūjo.Google Scholar
Lande, Eivind. 2018. “Between Offensive and Defensive Realism: The Japanese Abe Government’s Security Policy toward China.” Asian Security, 14 (2): 172–192.10.1080/14799855.2017.1323882CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Le Thu, Huong. 2023. “Japan’s Crucial Role in Southeast Asia amid the Ukraine War,” Center for Strategic & International Studies, April 22 (www.csis.org/analysis/japans-crucial-role-southeast-asia-amid-ukraine-war).Google Scholar
Lee, Michelle Ye Hee and Inuma, Julia Mio. 2024. “Ex-Defense Minister Shigeru Ishiba to Be Japan’s Next Premier.” Washington Post, September 28, A11.Google Scholar
Lee, Poh Ping. 1982. “The Indochinese Situation and the Big Powers in Southeast Asia: The Malaysian View.” Asian Survey 22 (6): 516–523.Google Scholar
Lind, Jennifer. 2022. “Why Shinzo Abe Thought Japan Had to Change: Will His Vision for a Stronger Country Outlive Him? Foreign Affairs, July 12. www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/japan/2022-07-12/why-shinzo-abe-thought-japan-had-change.Google Scholar
Mastanduno, Michael. 1998. “Economics and Security in Statecraft and Scholarship.” International Organization 52 (4): 825–854.10.1162/002081898550761CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Matsuda, Takuya. 2020. “Explaining Japan’s Post-Cold War Security Policy Trajectory: Maritime Realism.” Australian Journal of International Affairs 74 (6): 687–703.10.1080/10357718.2020.1782346CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mccubbins, Mathew D. and Thies, Michael F.. 1997. “As a Matter of Factions: The Budgetary Implications of Shifting Factional Control in Japan’s LDP.” Legislative Studies Quarterly 22 (3): 293–328.10.2307/440318CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Michito, Tsuruoka. 2022. “Why Japan Is Getting Tough on Russia Now.” The Diplomat. November 20, 2024. https://thediplomat.com/2022/06/why-japan-is-getting-tough-on-russia-now/.Google Scholar
Midford, Paul. 2015. “Japan’s Approach to Maritime Security in the South China Sea.” Asian Survey 55 (3): 525–547.10.1525/as.2015.55.3.525CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. 2014. “Kurimia ni Okeru Jumin Tohyou no Kekka wo Uketa Roshiya ni Taisuru sochi ni Tsuite.” (Statement by the Minister for Foreign Affairs: Measures against Russia’s acceptance of the referendum results in Crimea). March 18. www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/press/danwa/page4_000409.html.Google Scholar
Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 2022a. “Bōeki Keizai ni Kansuru, Nichirōseifukan Ininkai Kyōdōgichōkan Kaigō” (Meeting between the co-chairs of the Japan-Russia Intergovernmental Committee on Trade and Economy). February 15. www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/press/release/press3_000728.html.Google Scholar
Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 2022b “Hoppōryōdō” (Northern Territories). www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/area/hoppo/index.html.Google Scholar
Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 2023. “Dai 27 kai Ni-ASEAN Shūnōkaigi [27th Japan-ASEAN Summit].” October 21. www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/a_o/rp/pageit_000001_01135.html.Google Scholar
Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 2024. “Nihon ASEAN Yūkō Kyōyroku 50 Shūnen Tokubetsu Shūnōkaigi (Gaiyō) [The Commemorative Summit for the 50th Year of ASEAN-Japan Friendship and Cooperation (Overview)].” December 17. www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/a_o/rp/pageit_000001_00111.html.Google Scholar
Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 2025. “Ukuraina Jōsei ni kansuru Gaikoku Kawase Oyobi Gaikoku Bōeki Hō ni Motodzuku Sochi ni Tsuite [Measures under the Foreign Exchange and Foreign Trade Law Concerning the Situation in Ukraine].” January 10. www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/press/release/pressit_000001_01609.html.Google Scholar
Miyagi, Taizo. 2017. Japan’s Quest for Stability in Southeast Asia: Navigating the Turning Points in Postwar Asia. New York: Routledge.10.4324/9781315102573CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mochizuki, Mike M. 1995. Japan: Domestic Change and Foreign Policy. Santa Monica: RAND.10.7249/MR616CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Murakawa, Takuya. 2014. “Jimintō Habatsu no Seisaku Ichi no Henka to Sono Yōin” (“The Liberal Democratic Party’s Policy Position Changes and their Reasons”), University of Tokyo Faculty of Law: 68–82.Google Scholar
Nakakita, Kōji. 2017. Jiminto “Ikkyo” no Jitsuzō (The Reality of LDP’s ‘One-Strong’ Rule.). Tokyo: Chūkōshinsho.Google Scholar
Nemoto, Kuniaki. 2022. “Japan’s Liberal Democracy Party: Changes in Party Organization under Shinzō Abe.” In Pekkanen, Robert J. and Pekkanen, Saadia M., eds., The Oxford Handbook of Japanese Politics, 161–181. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Nguyen, Hien Phuc, Ngoc Quang Huynh, Anh, Reisach, Ulrike, and Le Thi Kim, Xuyen. 2022. “How Does Japanese ODA Really Contribute to Economic Growth for ASEAN Countries?” Journal of International Economics and Management 22 (2): 71–83.Google Scholar
Nguyen, Phuong. 2016. “Southeast Asia Dances to the Tune of Japan’s Abe Doctrine,” CSIS, March. www.csis.org/analysis/southeast-asia-dances-tune-japans-abe-doctrine.Google Scholar
NHK News. 2024. “Jimintō Sōsaisen 2024, Suisenhito Ichiran” [LDP Presidential Election 2024, Endorser List]. September 12. https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/special/primeminister_2024/recommendation/.Google Scholar
NHK Seiji Magazine. 2022. “Kishi Bōeishō, ‘Hikaku Sangensoku wo Kenji’ Beikakuheiki no Kyōyū Unyō ha Mitomerarezu” (Defense Minister Kishi “we will adhere to the three non-nuclear principles,” US Nuclear Weapon Sharing Operation Not Recognized). March 1. www.nhk.or.jp/politics/articles/lastweek/78440.html.Google Scholar
Nikkei Shimbun. 2021. “Takaichishi ‘Osokini Shishta’, Pekin Go Ron no Reifu Daihyōdan Miokuri” (Takaichi: “Failure of Lateness,” Sending Government Representatives to the Beijing Olympics). December 27. www.nikkei.com/article/DGXZQOUA2755D0X21C21A2000000/.Google Scholar
Nikkei Shimbun. 2022. “Hagiuda-shi Keisan-shō keizoku ga nozomashii – Naikaku kaizō meguri kenkai [Mr. Hagiuda says he wishes to continue as the Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry – Cabinet reshuffle perspectives]”. August 8. www.nikkei.com/article/DGXZQOUA081TS0Y2A800C2000000/Google Scholar
Nikkei Shimbun. 2025. “Jimin bukai de Kōmei hihan, jiki sentōki meguri ‘renritsu kaishō’ no koe,” [LDP Faction Criticizes Komeito, Calls for “Coalition Dissolution” Over Next Fighter Jet]. www.nikkei.com/article/DGXZQOUA151KG0V10C24A3000000/.Google Scholar
Ochi, Takao. 2015. “Party Politics and Leadership Change in Japan: The Prime Ministerial Relay.” In Sahashi, Ryo and Gannon, James, eds., Looking for Leadership: The Dilemma of Political Leadership in Japan. Tokyo: Japan Center for International Exchange, pp. 83–107.Google Scholar
Ogata, Sadako. 1980. “Some Japanese Views on United States-Japan Relations in the 1980s.” Asian Survey 20 (7): 694–706.10.2307/2643923CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ohno, Kenichi and Ohno, Izumi, eds. 1998. Japanese Views on Economic Development: Diverse Paths to the Market. London: Routledge.10.4324/9780203299029CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Oren, Eitan and Brummer, Matthew. 2020. “Threat Perception, Government Centralization, and Political Instrumentality in Abe Shinzo’s Japan.” Australian Journal of International Affairs 74 (6): 721–745.10.1080/10357718.2020.1782345CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Oros, Andrew L. 2017. Japan’s Security Renaissance: New Policies and Politics for the Twenty-First Century. New York: Columbia University Press.10.7312/oros17260CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ōshita, Eiji. 2015. Seiwakai Hiroku (Secret History of Seiwa Council). Tokyo: East Press.Google Scholar
Ōshita, Eiji. 2018. Daikōchikai no Gyakushū: Hoshu Honryū no Meimon Habatsu (Counterattack of the Daikochikai: prestigious faction of the conservative mainstream). Tokyo: Kakugawa Shinsho.Google Scholar
Ozawa, Ichiro. 1994. Blueprint for a New Japan: The Rethinking of a Nation, trans. Tokyo: Kodansha International.Google Scholar
Park, Cheol Hee. 2001. “Factional Dynamics in Japan’s LDP since Political Reform: Continuity and Change.” Asian Survey 41 (3): 428–461.10.1525/as.2001.41.3.428CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Pekkanen, Robert J., Nyblade, Benjamin, and Krauss, Ellis S.. 2014. “The Logic of Ministerial Selection: Electoral System and Cabinet Appointments in Japan.” Social Science Japan Journal 17 (1): 3–22.10.1093/ssjj/jyt028CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Pempel, T.J. 1999. “Structural Gaiatsu-International Finance and Political Change in Japan.” Comparative Political Studies 32 (8): 907–932.10.1177/0010414099032008001CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Prime Minister’s Office of Japan. 2023. Accessed February 18, 2023. www.kantei.go.jp/jp/rekidainaikaku/index.html.Google Scholar
Ramirez, Carlos. 2021. “Japan’s Foreign and Security Policy under Abe: From Neoconservatism and Neoautonomy to Pragmatic Realism.” The Pacific Review 34 (1): 146–175.10.1080/09512748.2019.1653358CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ravenhill, John. 2009. “East Asian Regionalism: Much Ado about Nothing?” Review of International Studies 35: 215–35.10.1017/S0260210509008493CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Rosenbluth, Frances McCall. 1996. “Internationalization and Electoral Politics in Japan.” In Keohane, Robert and Milner, Helen V., eds., Internationalization and Domestic Politics, 137–56. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.10.1017/CBO9780511664168.007CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Samuels, Richard J. and Wallace, Corey. 2018. “Introduction: Japan’s pivot in Asia.” International Affairs 94 (4): 703–10.10.1093/ia/iiy034CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Sankei Shimbun 2021. “[Sōsaisen Document] Takaichishi to Kōnōshi ga Gekiron Beimisairu Ami Haibi Meguri,” (“Mrs. Takaichi and Mr. Kono have a heated debate over the deployment of US missile networks”). September 19. www.sankei.com/article/20210919-CH2X7EPJINNOHBJVKIYSJ4TL34/.Google Scholar
Satō, Seizaburō and Matsuzaki, Tetsuhisa. 1986. Jimintō Seiken [LDP government]. Tokyo: Chūō Kōronsha.Google Scholar
Sawada, Daisuke. 2022. “Abe-ha, ‘Tatakau Shudan’ ni Dappi ni naruka? Kadai ha Yakusoku Ryoku” (Abe Faction, shedding its reputation as a “Fighting Group”? The Challenge is Cohesion). Sankei Shimbun, May 17. www.sankei.com/article/20220517-TRIX3J2YRZNCZETTVHZYJOXTCM/.Google Scholar
Scalapino, Robert A. 1977. “Perspectives on Modern Japanese Foreign Policy.” In Robert, A. Scalapino, ed., The Foreign Policy of Modern Japan, 391–412. Berkeley: University of California Press.10.1525/9780520314672-016CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Shofa, Jayanty Nada. 2023. “ASEAN Poised to Be World’s Fourth Largest Economy in 2023,” Jakarta Globe, August 8 (https://jakartaglobe.id/business/asean-poised-to-be-worlds-fourthlargest-economy-in-2030#:~:text=ASEAN%20is%20forecast%20to%20be,million%20people%20in%20population%20size).Google Scholar
Schoppa, Leonard. 1993. “Two-level Games and Bargaining Outcomes: Why Gaiatsu Succeeds in Japan in Some Cases but not Others.” International Organization 47 (3): 353–86.10.1017/S0020818300027995CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Simon, Sheldon W. 2012. “Conflict and Diplomacy in the South China Sea.” Asian Survey 52 (6): 995–1018.10.1525/as.2012.52.6.995CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Singh, Bhubhindar. 2022. “Japan’s Response to China’s Rise: Soft Balancing in Southeast Asia.” Asian Security 18 (1): 1–19.10.1080/14799855.2021.1942849CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Smith, Sheila A. 2019. Japan Rearmed: The Politics of Military Power. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
Solidum, Estrella D. 1982. “Philippine Perceptions of Crucial Issues Affecting Southeast Asia.” Asian Survey 22 (6): 536–547.10.2307/2643685CrossRefGoogle Scholar
John, St, Bruce, Ronald. 1995. “Japan’s Moment in Indochina: Washington Initiative … Tokyo Success.” Asian Survey 35 (7): 668–681.10.2307/2645422CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Sudo, Sueo. 1988. “The Road to Becoming a Regional Leader: Japanese Attempts in Southeast Asia, 1975-1980.” Pacific Affairs 61 (1): 27–50.10.2307/2758071CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Sudo, Sueo. 1992. The Fukuda Doctrine and ASEAN: New Dimensions in Japanese Foreign Policy. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.10.1355/9789814379403CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Sun, Jing. 2013. Japan and China as Charm Rivals: Soft Power in Regional Diplomacy. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.Google Scholar
Tanaka, Akihiko. 1989. “Nihon gaiko to kokunai seiji no renkan gaiatsu no seijigaku” (The connection between Japanese diplomacy and domestic politics: politics of external pressure). Kokusai mondai 348: 23–36.Google Scholar
Tarling, Nicholas. 2001. A Sudden Rampage: The Japanese Occupation of Southeast Asia, 1941–1945. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.Google Scholar
Tarling, Nicholas. 2010. Southeast Asia and the Great Powers. New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
Testsu, Takahashi . 2023. “Baiden-shi sutōri no ASEAN, chiiki kyōdōtai ni tsuyomaru enshinryoku” [Biden Passes by ASEAN, Centrifugal Forces Strengthen Within the Regional Community]. Nikkei Shimbun. September 7. www.nikkei.com/article/DGXZQOCD078RA0X00C23A9000000/.Google Scholar
Togo, Kazuhiko. 2007. Hoppō ryōdo kōshō hiroku ushinawareta gotabi no kikai (The inside story of the negotiations of the Northern Territory: five lost windows of opportunities). Tokyo: Shinchosha.Google Scholar
Togo, Kazuhiko. 2010. “The Assertive Conservative Right in Japan: Their Formation and Perspective.” The SAIS Review of International Affairs 30 (1): 77–89.10.1353/sais.0.0078CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tōyōkeizai. 2022. “Kishida Seiken ga Kakageru ‘Shinjidai Realism Gaikō’ no Imi,” (“The Meaning of ‘New Era Realism Diplomacy’, Advocated by the Kishida Administration”). Tōyōkeizai, January 24, 2022, https://toyokeizai.net/articles/-/504583.Google Scholar
Vidal, LI. López and Pelegrin, Àngels. 2018. “Hedging against China: Japanese Strategy towards a Rising Power.” Asian Security 14 (2): 193–211.10.1080/14799855.2017.1333983CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Vogel, Ezra F. 2019. China and Japan: Facing History. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
Wallace, Corey J. 2013. “Japan’s Strategic Pivot South: Diversifying the Dual Hedge.” International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 13 (3): 479–517.10.1093/irap/lct011CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wallace, Corey J. 2019. “Japan’s Strategic Contrast: Continuing Influence despite Relative Power Decline in Southeast Asia.” The Pacific Review 32 (5): 863–897.10.1080/09512748.2019.1569115CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wan, Ming. 1993. “Spending Strategies in World Politics: How Japan Used its Economic Power, 1952–1992.” Dissertation. Harvard University.Google Scholar
Wan, Ming. 1995/1996. “Japan and the Asian Development Bank.” Pacific Affairs 68 (4): 509–528.10.2307/2761274CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wan, Ming. 2001. Japan between Asia and the West: Economic Power and Strategic Balance. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe.Google Scholar
Wan, Ming. 2006. Sino-Japanese Relations: Interaction, Logic, and Transformation. Stanford: Woodrow Wilson Center Press and Stanford University Press.Google Scholar
Wan, Ming. 2011a. “Sino-Japanese Relations Adrift in a Changing World.” Asia-Pacific Review 18 (1): 73–83.10.1080/13439006.2011.582683CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wan, Ming. 2011b. “Japan’s Party Politics and China Policy: The Chinese Fishing Boat Collision Incident.” The Journal of Social Science 63 (3–4): 95–110.Google Scholar
Wan, Ming. 2016. Understanding Japan-China Relations: Theories and Issues. Singapore: World Scientific.Google Scholar
Wan, Ming. 2022. “Japan-China Relations: Politics of Great Powers and Great Power Politics.” In Pekkanen, Robert J. and Pekkanen, Saadia M., eds., The Oxford Handbook of Japanese Politics, 833–846. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Washington Post. 2023. “Myanmar’s Crisis Puts ASEAN’s Irrelevance on Display,” September 11, A18.Google Scholar
Weiss, Linda, Thurbon, Elizabeth. 2021. “Developmental State or Economic Statecraft? Where, Why and How the Difference Matters.” New Political Economy 26 (3): 472–89.10.1080/13563467.2020.1766431CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wong, Anny. 1991. “Japan’s National Security and Cultivation of ASEAN Elites.” Contemporary Southeast Asia 12 (4): 306–330.10.1355/CS12-4BCrossRefGoogle Scholar
World Bank. 2023. “GDP (Constant 2015 US$)”. WDI Database Archives. September. https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.KD.Google Scholar
Yamaguchi, Mary. 2022. “Japan Says Disputed Islands Are Being ‘Illegally Occupied by Russia’.” Los Angeles Times, April 22. At https://www.latimes.com/world-nation/story/2022-04-22/japan-disputed-islands-illegally-occupied-by-russia.Google Scholar
Yamamoto, Raymond. 2020. “China’s Development Assistance in Southeast Asia: A Threat to Japanese Interests?” Asian Survey 60 (2): 323–346.10.1525/as.2020.60.2.323CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Yanagihara, Toru and Emig, Anne. 1991. “An Overview of Japan’s Foreign Aid.” In Islam, Shafigul (ed.), Yen for Development: Japanese Foreign Aid and the Politics of Burden-Sharing, 37–69. New York: Council on Foreign Relations.Google Scholar
Yang, Jian. 2003. “Sino-Japanese Relations: Implications for Southeast Asia.” Contemporary Southeast Asia 25 (2): 306–327.10.1355/CS25-2GCrossRefGoogle Scholar
Yomiuri Shimbun. 2022. “Abeha no Genryū ha Sofu – Kishi Nobusuke Shi, ‘Taka Ha’ Hito, Hanai ni ‘Fukudakei’, ‘Abekei’ no 2keifu,” (The origin of Abe’s faction Is his Grandfather Kishi Nobuske, the two top genealogies of the hawk faction are the “Fukuda family” and the Abe family), July 13. www.yomiuri.co.jp/politics/20220713-OYT1T50263/.Google Scholar
Yomiuri Shimbun. 2024. “Shūinsen de jimin kyūhabatsu ni meian” (The performance of the former LDP factions at the lower house election), October 30. www.yomiuri.co.jp/politics/20241029-OYT1T50172/.Google Scholar
Harada, Yu. 2023. “Evaluating Japan’s South China Sea Policy: A Qualified Success?” Contemporary Southeast Asia 45 (1): 30–54.Google Scholar

Accessibility standard: Unknown

Accessibility compliance for the PDF of this Element is currently unknown and may be updated in the future.

Save element to Kindle

To save this element to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge-org.demo.remotlog.com is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about saving to your Kindle.

Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations. ‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. ‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.

Find out more about the Kindle Personal Document Service.

Factional Politics in the Liberal Democratic Party
Available formats
×

Save element to Dropbox

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Dropbox.

Factional Politics in the Liberal Democratic Party
Available formats
×

Save element to Google Drive

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Google Drive.

Factional Politics in the Liberal Democratic Party
Available formats
×